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Capitalism and Bourgeois Revolution in Brazil Nelson W Erneck Sodré /Book Workshop
The formation of capitalism in brains constitutes a matter that scholars have addressed in different and even contradictory ways. In this felt, Nelson Werneck Sodré, through his historiographical work, appears with one of the authors most concerned with this issue. At the same time, it should be noted that, over time, although their analyzes in this regard have been wasted comments and controls, even questioning, Nelson Werneck Sodré has shown coherence and firmness towards his theses, reaffirming his Theoretical convictions in this regard. Thus, in this work that is edited here, the Brazilian Eminen Te seeks, once again, to reinforce - with new functions - the central points of its ideas about the formation of capitalism in Brazil.
Capitalism and bourgeois revolution in Brazil n ossa t errs
Published titles: the first pecebista renewal. Reflexes of the X X PCUS Congress on the PCB (1956-1957) Raimundo Santos Brief History of the PCB José Antonio Segatto Communists Michel Zaidan Filho State and Bourgeoisie in Brazil Antonio Carlos Mazzeo Capitalism and Bourgeois Revolution in Brazil Nélson Werneck Sodré Near Launch: A Left and Workers Movement 1964-1984-Vol. 2: The crisis of the "Brazilian miracle" Celso Frederico (org.)
Nelson Werneck Sodré Capitalism and Bourgeois Revolution in Brazil Book Workshop 1990 Belo Horizonte
Cover: Marilda Campenoli de Vilhena Composition: Linotipadora Expressa Ltda. -Tel.: (011) 292-2305 Catalog N. 0022 Rights Reserved: Book Workshop Ltda. Tupinambás Street, 360, 12th floor, room 1210 30.120-Belo Horizonte, MG-Tel. (031) 222-1577 Rua da Quitanda, 113, 10th floor, conjs. 102/104 01012-São Paulo, SP-Tel. (011) 37-9872SN-00 1 <*61 95-9
Summary The formation of capitalism in Brazil, 7 modes of production, 9 colonial structure, 33 labor market, 59 the bourgeois revolution in Brazil, 73 Vargas and the development of capitalism in Brazil, 117 Introduction, 119 indebtedness, 123 crisis and change , 147 Populism, 165 The time of Vargas, 183
The formation of capitalism in Brazil
Modes of production when I presented, in my historical formation in Brazil, the study of the modes of production that Brazilian society knows CEU, I confess that I did not expect controversies about it. Others adopted different schemes. It is not here to discuss them. For my part, I can clarify that I started from the study of Brazilian society, in its historical development and I confess that I have not found, so far, reason to alter my theses. On the other hand, it should be mentioned that, in this study, I remain assisted by the method to which I obeyed in my book previously cited. There is therefore not here in nhum eclecticism, but the rigorous faithfulness to historical appeals. Persisting in studies, I hope to find new reasons for insisting in the position I adopted. But it is also my belief that the definitive theses - as much as there is such a stage in science - will be rivated by the efforts of many scholars, and the subject is always open. This is just my contribution. Preliminarily, however, it seems appropriate to remember that there is only the science of the general, as the Master said. Leaving it to deal with the issues that present themselves to the theoretical discussion of problem as complex as the modes of production and social formations in Brazil, it is interesting, for the beginning and placement of basic premises, to distinguish some aspects that inform the particularity of the Brazilian case . The first of LES, evidently already placed by some scholars, consists of the kilo that concerns unequal development, that is, the fact that Brazil arises for history, its historical existence begins, with the so -called "discovery", when when In the European West, feudalism declined, with the commercial revolution, the great navigations and the definition of the world market. There is, therefore, there is a huge historical distance between areas dominated by feudalism and areas dominated by the primitive community, which is our case. This heterocrony needs to be taken into consideration, at all times, in the discussion of historical problems. It remains, over time, in different forms.
One of the aspects that entails is in the use, to define Brazilian cassos and phenomena, of conceptual language that emerged in other times and elsewhere. Now, only extreme care in the passage from universal to particular, or from general to the particular, can alleviate the use of the same concepts for different realities. It is indispensable to verify, from the outset, if the differences affect the form or the content. By no means is it possible to use paradigms taken from diverse reality. Note: For DIGMAS AND NO METHODS. It is the use of paradigmatic reasoning which induces error or deformation. Dialectical reasoning excludes the use of paradigms and is established by obedience to the method, respecting the dialectical relationships between universal and private. The second aspect that needs to be carefully considers in the study in question, is the one that is configured in the existence and validity, in Brazil, of different stages of history, at the same time. Better said: the existence of Brazilian territorial areas that live different steps. In somewhat pretentious language, it has been said, of the phenomenon, that it is a contemporary time of non -coetaneous, that is, the existence, at the same time, of different social realities, but in the same country or colony. Someone mentioned the fact that the trip to the Brazilian interior corresponds not only to a change of time zones, but to a change of historical steps. Many have already observed the differences, at the same time, at the same time, between the coastline exposed to external influences, in contact with the world, and the interior, where they are conservative - and this is the harder the more retreat in time - customs of another time. Brazil has presented, and also presents - today, with quite attenuated effects, in the verda of - diverse development steps, to use a generalized concept and applied in the economy. Uniformity is also among us a trend that has been emphasizing, no doubt, but that heterocrony exists and works, conditioning communities and societies. This is another aspect-now particular, because Brazilian-of unequal development. The third aspect to consider is that of transplantation. It is understood, as such, the fact of the transfer to Brazil of the elements that launched the foundations of a society in everything different from the one found here by the so-called discoverers. What this represented for the indigenous primitive community, really has
has been appreciated insufficiently. The natural path, in this case, would have been - as happened in other areas - its tendency to create a surplus and, consequently, the emergence of the market, and may - without any imposing character, as a unique solution - to evolve into slavery. . None of this happened here. Quite the contrary, Brazilian slavery was structured on the basis of African human contribution. The Brazilian society of the early days of the so -called colonization was born from the transplantation of African and European human elements: the former supplied the mass of the dominated class, which it competed with work; The latter provided the absolute majority of those who competed with the property, the class of the mining. None of this existed before and the indigenous people had, in the process, almost always inexpressive contribution. Almost always, it is well said, because they functioned under certain circumstances, either as servants, or slaves. Compared to the contribution of the enslaved African black, indigenous people was insignificant. There is therefore no evolution between the primitive community and the slavar; This remains to this day, except when the advancement of capitalist relations, as these days, threatens to complete the disruption of indigenous stocks. Slave society is formed, in the same territory, by elements from abroad. The foundations of Brazilian society, therefore, were imported, transplanted. In this transplantation, for individuals, the condition of origin were in force: their colonial existence would not be the mark of the beginning, but by the conditions in force in the original societies. Considering that the African black man became slave since embarked on slave ships, no matter what social purposes, the condition in which they lived in their tribes or "nations." They came as slaves; entered Brazil as slaves. The process of slavery was not a cause of slaves to those transferred to Brazil; The cause of being slaves, quite the contrary, was the hasty by the slaves. Brazilian slavery is, therefore, and fundamentally, of a transplanted society: some come to be slaves; others, to be
gentlemen, or find conditions to do so. To those who come to be slaves, the tradition, the African past, matters little. If indigenous people, as often mentioned, have suffered cultural, even and perhaps mainly, when villages and “protected”, this destruction was an idyllic process compared to the cultural destruction suffered by the African black. His effort to subsist was probably smaller than his effort to save elements from his culture of origin. The degree that had reached the culture of the dominated even explains the character of their struggles to subtract themselves to servitude or slavery. The indigenous people took refuge inside and the distance from the colonization outbreaks was their means of defense. When they fought, you want to reestablish, There they lived, the conditions in force in the primitive community. African or native blacks, when they began, intended to reconstruct the original conditions, those in force in their tribes or "nations." Sen Zala's rebellions never intended to destroy the current regime in the colony, subsiding it. Nor did they have, in fact, notion of what it could represent. For them, freedom consisted of fleeing the captivity, seeking away region and clushing there. Colonial society begins, therefore, with the traits that defined the metropolitan society, plus slavery, which was in force there only in the south and in the islands. Those who lived in a primitive community were some; Those who lived in slavery were others, in most cases; There is no passage from one way to another, from one formation to another. It is a new particularity of the Brazilian case. It is not here the place and the opportunity to describe and characterize the primitive indigenous community; Historically, in the Brazilian society, founded on Africans and Europeans, it is secondary. This is not the case to study the conditions in force in Africa, because such conditions were not transferred to Brazil. Of course, since the problem in the universal dimension is learned in a certain way; Seen in the American dimension, it presents itself in another way. Thus, in the universal dimension, it is the process of primitive accumulation, when the pre-capitalist forms of capital were in force- in this case, commercial capital. But in the American continental-South American dimension, in this case-it is pure and simple slavery. And here is the controversy related to what some call slavery
Modern, as opposed to ancient slavery, said classic. With regard to the Brazilian problem - a partial aspect of the global phenomenon - it is not here the place to discuss that controversy. Indeed, it was, at the time, a richly surpassed and long-beating Histo mode of production, at least in what respected the European West, which marched in the forefront of the social and economic transformations of humanity. It reappears, between Europe itself, and in the most interested area in change, Portugal, which captured the overseas achievements that generate the world market. For areas where slavery rea seemed, it was not important to know if it had existed before, and had been overcome. For such areas, and the Americans with absolute desk, slavery came as such, so simply. This difference between the universal and the particular, derived from unequal development, historical heterocronia, is that the analysis of the problem is confused. But there is no way to confuse it, especially at the time of the implementation of Brazilian slavery, in the sixteenth century, not even the commercial capital, a precursor form of capitalism, was dominant, on a world scale. Marx did not make many references to Brazilian slavery; His concerns turned more to slavery as he learned in North America. The few references he makes to Brazilian slavery, however, are clear as to his way of conceptualizing. "Slavery," he says, "it is the first form of property that, moreover, corresponds perfectly to the definition of modern economists, according to which it is the right to have the labor of others." 1 To clarify: "In addition, division of labor and private property are identical terms: one says, referring to slavery, the same as the other, referring to her product." Later, it refers to countries that “have no natural premises than individuals who settle there as settlers”, also remembering the “case of conquest, when trans plants directly to the country won the form of exchange on another soil. ”1 2 It is really slavery. Baptizing it from modern other in the other differentiates the one that arose from the evolution 1 Karl Marx: the German ideology (Montevideo, 1958), p. 32. 2 Ibid., P. 33.
of the primitive community. It arises by transplantation, with slaves brought from Africa, in a commercial activity in which they constitute goods of great value. Slavery was the way in which colonization, in the Brazilian case, overcame almost insurmountable initial difficulties; Without it, certainly unsurpassed. It was necessary, historically. Without it, there would be no Brazil. Suppose this would have been colonial slavery, to distinguish it from classical vision, it is possible. But I supply it diverse mode of production, obeying different laws, is nothing more than fantasy, without the slightest base. Brazilian slavery, which emerged because slavery already existed, while modern, in contrast to the classic, was seen people in other areas, presided over the assembly of the colonial producing system, which found one of its basic characteristics. But the other, who cannot be forgotten, was connected to the fact that it is production intended for external and distant markets. In the beginning, it was based on the particularity of the lack of domestic market: the large-scale production was finely intended for export. Now, since we face the project of class society, that is, society that has exceeded the stage of the primitive community, where it is produced only for consumption and all that is produced, it is about knowing, before it Everything, who produces and who appropriates the surplus of production. This will help the characterization of the classes, the dominant and the dominated. As long as a class society begins, there is an surplus in production; It is defined in the relationship that differentiates those who produce, with the work, from those who enjoy those of production, with profit. In a scheme, impoverished as all schemes, but useful to understanding the problem, it is a matter of distinguishing between those who produce the surplus, to the market, and those who appropriate the surplus, under all its forms. In Brazilian society, under the effectiveness of slavery, it was the slaves who produced and were the masters - of land and slaves - who appropriated the surplus. Here, evidently, considered the system only in its internal structure. As it was turned outward, because production was intended for consumption abroad, there were naturally those who,
Outside, they appropriated the surplus. But that's not what matters to us now. You have to go further, however. As is well known, even in high school courses, slavery was not established throughout the Brazilian territory. It was established in the areas where a producer system is implemented abroad and founded on the great production, all plan, that is, from the beginning, and without another way out. And in the rest of the territory? What regime would have been in force in the pastoral area to be a taneja, in the Vincentian area, in the Amazon area later, in the Sulin area, when the grazing expanded there? Was it slavery? Certainly was not. Except considering the subsequent changes - the cotton that “blackened” Maranhão, for example -, such areas did not have in slavery the support of production. Brazilian feudalism The Amazonian collecting activity dominated by religious missions, restoring the spices, the grass production of the Jesuit missionary reasons, are forms of production that are mostly due to the foreign market as to the domestic market. But their essential trait is that they are of reduced proportions compared to sugar. Now, even at the beginning of colonial domination, there were focuses or areas that do not include slavery. The Vincentian area, for example. There, the attempts of the establishment of sugar production did not avenge. And the production was limited to local or near consumption, the Platinum estuary, the Guanabarina zone, at the beginning. Who produced, that is, who provided the surplus, what is produced to be taken to the market? The village Indians, as is known. Were they slaves, or were they servants? Here, the controversy is installed. Those who produced spices in the Amazon collecting economy were also the Indians. Those who produced yerba mate and cereals, in the sulin Jesuit missions-that even constituted a producing device of considerable dimensions for the time-were slaves or servants? The controversy here is extended. In both cases, there was the presence of the same element: subjection, through the authority of the religious, of religious orders. But the production, in the Sulin case, was destined abroad, largely. It is clear that there was always a subsistence production, outside the MER
or in the market of insignificant dimensions. The Indian in freedom, in his natural condition of life, did not produce for the market, did not generate surplus. Its subsistence was supplied in the primitive community system. In producing surpluses, I was doing something different and under coercion, no matter what the purpose of characterizing the producing system, whether this or that type of coercion. In the Amazonian “missions”, as in the slate “reductions”, what mattered was what was intended abroad. It is possible to admit, in both cases, in fact, mixed forms, aspects that escape a rigorous classification, in the known and accepted molds. What seems to admit no doubt, however, is that it does not fit the qualification of slavery. The same happens, and even more clearly, in the case of the Pastoral Mia. There is more: when mining makes its appearance tomen toso, everything changes in the area in which it settles, in relation to what was happening in other areas, particularly in the sugar slave area. In this case, we are facing slavery, without the slightest doubt, was the function that the Brazilian mining would perform in the face of the Western Europe, as a fact of accumulation capitalist. It is, in this case, to feel the universal and the particular, distinguishing them, showing their dialectical relations. In the Brazilian particular, it is slavery, the way of producing and appropriation. It changes the function of the earth at first, because it is not worked to produce, not the object of work, but provides special merchandise - gold. However, the Brazilian picture has, then, the uniqueness of the different modes of production: in the main areas, those that provide the bulk of export, it is slavery, based on imported African. In the seconds and subsidiaries - some also linked to export, but on a smaller scale - it is no longer slavery. The missionary, in the Amazon and the Jesuit Platinum Zone, are not owners of the Indian, did not buy the Indian - they used the Indian. It revenues from him in kind and in services, such as mas who enjoy surplus work. The same happens in the Vincentian area, from the early days. In it, slavery, the Visan of the indigenous masses villained by the slate Jesuits, appears therefore, not to establish a manner of slave production but to
Provide workforce to private slave zones of African supply by Dutch intervention. The ointment activity of the early Piratiningans and Vincentians differ in radio the activity of the on-thestling flag and it is not intended to supply the area itself but others, already slaves. There are those who are surprised, or simulate, with the simultaneous neity of different modes of production in the same colony, Brazil, as if that were, in history, something singular. From the trill, it occurred many times. There was no singularity in this. Since when did political or geographical limits interfere with the sense of separating areas of different modes of production? For the apparent and controversial uniqueness, that the Brazilian case was just one of the examples, shows how the reality escapes from classifications linked to adopted and repeated paradigms. Diverse modes of production, such as their successivity, should be studied in the light of conceptual paradigms, but also in the light of concrete reality. What matters is the method, not the paradigm. Under normal conditions, this Z, those close to the theoretical model - which has only conceptual validity, as you know any apprentice of Marxism - feudalism represents advancement in relation to slavery and, therefore, comes in time. Of course, development is not only unequal; He also runs away from linearity, that is, it does not obey constant processes, and ascension, necessarily. Now, it happens in Brazil, and precisely in the second of the mid -eighteenth century, when the crisis of self -nomine approaches, that is, when the elements that will determine that crisis, which will culminate in the early nineteenth century, are accounted for, it happens that it happens that The mining slave area, which had crossed a transient phase of splendor, as to the amount of gold produced, goes into progressive decline and this decline gives reason and causes the changes that fundamentally alter him the economic, social and political physiognomy. It is, from the point of view of the wealth produced, of regres are and not of advancement. At the same time, slave relations pass, without attenuating intermediation - as happened in the classic model - to new type relations, which we call feudal. In the book Historical Training of Brazil, we raise the thesis of “feudal regression”, that is, the passage of slave production relations, usually a breakthrough, coincides with the
economic decline and all its consequences. Of course it was in front of the paradigmatic model. And only male forces and ignorance could accuse the theses raised in that book of schematics. Schematicism would suppose ascensional suction of regimes, such as the conceptual model, only valid as such, admits. Those theses could be taken as false, but not as schematic, precisely because they were characterized by discoupation of the model. There are those who, among them, prefer to put a tablet where one should only discuss and argue. But the tablet, which lives from the mere repetition, simpli stays and classifies, dispensing with any theoretical effort. Of course, everything is subject to discussion and controversy. The theses regarding modes of production in the areas of colonial past, Brazil in particular, are far from generating questions made, reaching such unquestionable definition levels that they think any and all discussion. Quite the contrary, they constitute open issues, which can only be faced and require debate and criticism. The closest result of historical truth will be achieved by the sum of contributions; will certainly not be the result of genius intuition of a scholar or small group of scholars. Nothing further from the true and fruitful science, the one that makes knowledge advance, than the arrogance of the owners of absolute keys, who open to the doors, but are in the hands of one or a few, the satellites of the former. We raised the thesis of slavery in certain brain areas, in the colonial time: the northeastern sugar area, the mining area. We opined for defining as slaves as well as the production of production that existed in other areas, less important, sugar and ingenuity, such as the Campista, and those coffee farm in its Fluminense phase and Paraí BA Valley Paulista. We leave aside, to the ease of analysis, the areas of lower importance in colonial production and even after autonomy, where we admit to having vigorous feudal relationships. Fi we only want to limit controversy with regard to slavery, installed here since the first century of Brazilian existence. There are those who deny this thesis: it would not be slavery. The reasons presented are diverse. Okay, what would it be, then? Capitalism, some answer some. I'm not at all
According to this point of view and I believe that most studies will not accept as capitalism the mode of Brazilian production when there was no dominant capitalism in the European West itself. Would we have been capitalists before capitalism? This can be considered a simple point of view when someone, who, who defends such a thesis, is theoretically uncompromising; On the part of Sea Xist or people who claim to apply the Marxist method, it is inad missible. It is clear, and here comes the relationship between the Universal and the Private, which, below, when capitalism triumphs in the European West, puts a varied constellation of non-capitalist production to its service. Rosa Luxemburg, in her work on capitalist accumulation, shows how capitalism uses the pre-capitalist areas. There is also a controversy about the mode of production in colonial Brazil, for some being slavery; For others, Capita Lismum; For third parties, feudalism. The controversy regarding Brazilian feudalism, colonial era and later time has consumed, from a few years to this part, a lot of role. Because, in fact, the problem - or the false problem - of feudalism in Brazil always imported in a unique mix between science and ideology. To be clearer: in controversy regarding the existence or not of Brazilian feudalism there was mixed motivation, scientific motivation and political motivation. It is interesting to remember that the political documents of the Brazilian proletariat party always referred, until some time ago, to feudal or semi -feudal relations whose overcoming was necessary. Because they diverged from the formulation, some elements denied the existence of those feudal or semi -feudal relationships here. It was foolish, they stressed. It was actually categorically affirmed capitalism, in an ostensive, clear, unusual form. Calling those pre-capitalist relations was not passing, they still said, if a sophistry. And insisted on which capitalism had reigned here. It was a political position that trades scientific divergence. Accepting the existence of feudal or semi -feudal relations, or the existence of feudal remains, was erroneous. As erroneous was the affirmation of the need to practice a policy that eliminated them as a preliminary condition to move on to the new, more advanced stage. It looked wrong because it mattered
In admitting the historical need to realize or complete the bourgeois revolution here, before placing the socially claim. The thesis, which was a party flag, also mattered in the acceptance of the existence and the function of portion of the national, national, which could play a role between the forces interested in the finishing of the bourgeois revolution and, therefore, in overcoming feudal remains or feudal relations or semi -feudal relationships. The controversy - in which I had ostensive position - was right to be. It could not be placed at the same level as another one that revolved around if, in the colonial phase, there had been slavery or capitalism here. Thesis, the latter, entirely unreasonable. The one that revolved around feudalis is still open. One of the most interesting characteristics of the modes of projections prior to capitalism was that expressed in the confusion between economic and social. Economic relations were expressly expressed by non-economic forms. It disguised them, as we know. It is universally accepted that capitalism has made ostensive class relations, made them clear, stripped them of their disguises. Now no way of production has imported in as many disguises as feudalism. At first, it appears, in the study of history, that feudalism did not import in the configuration of a model by Thus to say classic. This happened with slavery: in Roman and Greek antiquity, in periods of very well -known times, over which there is sufficient documentation, slavery has been in force. Created the paradigm, the model. While modern slavery has due to very different historical conditions, that model served a lot to characterize it as such. But feudalism was not so lucky. There were different forms of feudalism, with diverse external appearances. Now, in this paradigm absence, a very common form of error was infiltrated, which consists in confusing the concept, which belongs to the general or universal, with the concrete form, which belongs to the particular. While there had been no paradigm and this contributed to confusion, only these confusions could prevail there where the particular was taken by the Universal, the concrete by the conceptualization. The controversy over feudalism, thus, is not a Brazilian peculiarity. It is everywhere and has been fed by extensive bibliography.-
As for those feudal forms, according to our formulations in the historical formation of Brazil, which appeared and prevailed here, in the first and second centuries - in the Vincentian area, in the sertaneja pastoral area, in the Amazonian area, in the Sulin Pastoral area, in the mining area , after the collapse of the gold economy - it would have to consider, to the beginning of discussion, the fact that the worker, the one who provided the surplus, was not a slave, and those who appropriated the surplus were not owners of the Indians or blacks. linked to farms and crops and troops and crafts after the collapse of gold slavery - they were gentlemen. The missionaries of the orders that occupied the Amazon and set up the spice-producing company, drugs, such as the Jesuits of the slate reductions, such as the owners of the sertane jas farms, were not owners of Indian or non-debt that works for them. They were gentlemen. Thus, it would be to consider, in order to define the feudal relationship, not just income but the bond of social dependence: the two traits defined it precisely. Marx said that in medievalism there was no independent individual, and added, explaining: all are dependent: feudal servants and gentlemen, vassals and suzeranos, lay people and clerics. Personal dependence characterizes both the social relations of material production and other spheres of life based on this production. But precisely why the relationships of personal dependence constitute the uncontroversial social foundation, it is not necessary that work and products assume ghostly feature, different from their reality. They enter social gear as services and product payments. The direct social form of the work is, here, the concrete form of work, its particularity and not its abstract generality, as with the production of goods. Corree, like the work that produces Merca Dorias, is measured by time, but each servant knows that quantity of his personal work of work does not extend in the service of the Lord. Tithing paid to healing is more palpable than its blessing. In the feudal regime, whatever the roles that men play, when confronting themselves, social relations between people, in the realization of their work, reveal themselves as their own personal relationships, not concealing in relations between things, between products From work.3 3 Karl Marx: Oeuvres, I (Paris, 19631, p. 611.
The existence of feudal relations, predominant in the countryside until days very close to the current ones, if not now, is a fact that can be said ostensible, so clear to its manifestations and so varied, were it not for the conceptual confusion that the empiricism of facts You can't deny it. The dependence on which the slaves became, as soon as the abolition deroped the rights of the masters over them - sometimes presented in books and tests, as the denunciator of the benign character of Brazilian slavery, making slaves fond of the masters - it was One of the forms that assumed the new relationships. The multiple forms of providing services and income that presented themselves at Vasti gives Brazilian territorial have always denounced, over time, the presence of those relationships. Servitude presented the most diverse aspects, almost pre -premium, of luck to confuse the observers. Those who traveled the Brazilian interior, however, know how those aspects of nunches a form of exploration that contrasted, in the twentieth century, with established and predominant capitalist relations in extensive areas of the coastal and even some of the interior. Responsible for feudal relations, attenuated in some cases and areas and therefore called semi -feudal, the landlord configured the natural frame in which they developed. The disparity between the territorial vastness and the early -established land monopoly, It was the basis on which they fell. Fruits of them were some of the most notorious nifestations of Brazilian life in the interior: the struggles of families, the right exerted by the landowners about the fate of its residents, the pathological forms that proliferated in disguises such as endemic banditry, the widening of forces Paramilitaries in the great farms, the elected rais corrals that constituted the backdrop of the so -called “governors' policy”, religious fanaticism, and the manifestations of Re Beldia to which he gave rise as heretics. All denouncing unnatural feudalism, but expressed in income clearly, even in labor relations that gave him expression. The existence of provincial and state oligarchies, controlling political power, was based on this particular form of feudal relationship that was always present: the
Nopolio of the earth. Even in artistic manifestations - plays, novels, short stories, chronicles - feudal relationships appear ram, of old days. Elements common to the medieval theme, consequently, they are reponent in Brazilian fiction: the woman who disguises the man to combat or exercise revenge, the loves contradicted by family rivalry, the gestures of armed bands driving the backlands. At the bottom of the Black Guerrillas Panel narrated in Grande Sertão: Veredas is the feudal landlord in its splendor. The passage and here arises the question: How would the passage of slave relations have been processed to feudal relations? Would it have followed those rules coming from the model forged in antiquity here? As is well known, the feudal mode of production derived in Rome from the stagnation caused by slavery; It evolved through the tranked form of the colonato, when the ancient slaves continued on earth but began to gain some freedom of movements. The feudal forms did not emerge, however, only from such endogenous deals; There were also exogenous conditions, configures in the presence of the Gentile community of the so -called barbaric peoples. It is not necessary to take time in the reconstitution of that process of change, from one social formation to another, with very large diversity, generated by the particularities of each case and area. It is not necessary to go further to verify how, in Brazil, no process identity could occur, which does not mean that there was no process. The cases also presented diversity, according to the area and the type of production. More broadly, it is possible to distinguish the oriental feudal relations, that is, dating from the early days, and those that arise from the decomposition of slavery, from the simple village of the area, which remained more or less stable throughout the times, until the already complex condition derived from significant changes.
The older ones, established by virtue of the unit tradition, which the first settlers brought and imposed, and conditioned by the impositions of the social and even the geographical environment, when they reconciled their characteristics with those derived from the economic cause, even in Rudimentary molds. The second, the subsequent, resulting from the collapse of slavery, before and after the official act of the abolition, processing in the areas in which he dominated, and varying with the territorial march of Rique Za, which mattered in the displacement of labor force of one area for another. From the mining zone to the coffee zone, for example, and ruined there for the decay of the gold mining and here by the cafesteza maha to another zone and the appearance of the settler. Thus, not only do modes of production present themselves here, with particular forms, that distinguish them from the conceptual model, of course, but also from the empirical model of the European West; The forms of passing from one way of production, from one other social formation, are also different. Welcome from schematics a vision that points to those differences, because it is repeating a buzzword and putting the conveletis tabolet, almost always linked to the ideological struggle. And indeed, the ideological blinds of the present improperly interfere with the scientific discode, some examining the positions of others to dissent them for reasons entirely distant from the pro -prior and natural terrain. The controversy regarding the existence or non-existence of feudalism in the Brazilian historical development derives, largely, the divergences of political orientation with temporary, and this is not the only example, within the scope of the theme treated here. As a rule, those who deny the existence of feudalism in Brazil prefer to define as capitalists the relations in force from the first century - which seems entirely false and even disregarded - while others simply in Gam the existence of feudalism but do not bother to define what existed. The same It also occurs, in relation to the process of passing from one way of production, from slavery to feudalism, in this case. Having not here existed the gentical community of the so-called barbaric peoples, nor knowing us the
Nato, of course the transition mentioned was entirely told here. The fact that it was diverse does not mean that it did not occur. Denying the existence of feudalism, including, is a more or less comfortable way to tergivers the problem of transition, ignoring it. Controversy rekindles itself when it comes to appreciating the origins of Brazilian capitalism and the process that usually involves it, the so-called bourgeois revolution. For those who admit to having existed here, even in colonial time, capitalism, there is no way to discuss. For if it was always capitalism, there is no need to obtain its origins or the transition that led to capitalism, which was already, according to this singular conception. For those who admit that there was slavery here, we passed from capitalism without intermediation. Of course, it does not refuse, as a plan, the possibility of passage from one way to another of production without interiming the classical sequence. It is a false accusation for Stalin to throw him the blame of the denial of this case. In a purely didactic exhibition, intended for beginners, the former head of the Soviet government - whose name baptizes today everything that is appreciated as error or heresy - presented the modes of production in the natural sequence, that is, that occurred, concrete, of concrete, In the West Europe, which was, in short, the one that was established at the conceptual level. Stalin is really responsible for many things, and there is no way to do so responsible for what he didn't say. But the fact is that, in Brazil, in our way of seeing, there was both slavery and passage to feudalism, as well as feuded lolin and passage to capitalism. This sequence, as it were normal, because it follows the conceptual model and the stalist scheme, stems from the analysis of the Brazilian particular and not the simple adoption of a formula as if universal and mandatory. The bourgeois revolution normally sanctions the pool of the bourgeoisie and, therefore, of the class that defines the existence of capitalism, when dominant. This primacy can succeed to the economic primacy; That is, the bourgeoisie in the European West was first predominant in the economy and only then became a mirming in politics. This change is that it became known as the bourgeois revolution. Its best known examples are English, with two stages, and the French, in the decisive stage that culminated with
The General States and the Napoleonic Wars, ending a stormy phase with the movements of the passage from the first to the second half of the nineteenth century. The particularity of having such cases, English and French, marked by episodes that have been in popular memory motivated the emergence of a stereotype, that a revolution is characterized by highlighted episodes and matters in more or less rapid change with radical institutional changes. In fact, the cases of bourgeois revolution that history marks are characterized by the extreme variety. In all cases aligned in this variety are those in which the bourgeoisie passes the ruling political class as soon as it becomes economic ruling class. Since the modes of production - except the last one, as we know - are born in the womb of others, and their elements are gradually the moment of rupture sometimes offers difficulty being marked. Confusion derives largely from the fact that the analogies and more interpretations are sought in the empirical area, that is, in the facts, in the concrete, in particular, than at the conceptual level. Not every bourgeois revolution, naturally, can present an episode like that of the fall of the Bastille. Every bourgeois revolution, however, any is the diversion it presents in relation to empirical models, it happens, in time and space dependent, when certain relationships are determined. Now, among us, the spectation of analogy with consecrated and striking empirical model has brought more confusion than enlightenment. It is feasible to put the question, so: We have gone through the bourgeois revolution, we are going through it, are we close to it? How did the change process occur, how to situate the origins of this change, which enshrines capita llymos as a dominant mode of production? Around these ways rotate the controversies. Like money, the salary is very old. Marx said, regarding conceptualization, that not every black man is slave and not all money is capital. Your readers know that capital is a relationship and not something. When salary becomes the normal form of purchase of the workforce, there is capitalism. Its fundamental law-to remember an expression expensive to Stalin-is the added value. When did this happen in Brazil? Marx, moving from logical to history, in the capital, after the presentation of the
Conceptual model, it went on to present the private euro peu case. For this, it reported to the process that baptized primitive accumulation, that is, the initial accumulation, which gave rise to the historical process of reproduction, in capitalism, of capital. It was about knowing from when a certain amount of money was made capital-it was more than because it was a relationship. He described, rigorously as a master who was so admired, how capital came about. But its exposure referred to a certain process, in the specific process, the process that occurred in the European West. Of course, from there, for the study of the bourgeois revolution, for the study of the origin of the capitalist mode of production, it was always a new case, with its particularities. Thus, Italian researchers, Germans, Bulo Garos, Russians, American had to appreciate the conditions under which the phenomenon occurred in their countries, when they sought to unravel it and reach the discovery of the origins of that mode of production. Note: Primitive accumulation is added in the countries of colonial past, such as Brazil, of the difficulties already mentioned, linked to unequal development. Here, particularity has a very unique trait: how, usually, it is about verifying the quantitative growth that ends up transmuting qualitative, an accumulation that is processed only within the country under study, here, very differently, such as the Accumulation was compromised because there is a constant flow of income abroad, it could not be researched with forgetting such a characteristic. Primitive accumulation, in cases of colonial economy, as in cases of dependent echo- always by the existence of that discouraging flow- cannot be studied and understood when not seen as particular of the process that Marx, in his function , appreciated at the universal level. Hence the fact that the process is appreciated from two different planes: when taken in isolation and when inserted into the general drug of the time. In this, just about everything that happens in the colonial and dependent areas can be understood as primitive accumulation. In Brazil, this stage, long outdated in the European tooth, where the empirical models were forged, primitive accumulation is occurring today. As happens here, really, the expropriation that leaves the whole worker in the arena
rarely stripped, in the conditions of, to subsist, to have to sell only the workforce, the only good of which it has. It happens in the most varied shapes, including those that cover immigrants. These, as has been observed, enter the already disposed of the Brazilian market; They were expropriated before it arrived here. But in Brazil, before and today, the shapes are transformed and are, as a rule, mixed. Thus, here is the category of semi-proletariat, by the way. But it works, of course, a process in which old servants or elements maintained in semi-service, such as small owners of having RAS and production instruments, are stripped of what they have, to interporate in a recent proletariat. The process does not welcome throughout Brazil. Quite the opposite- and here we have that other development inequality already mentioned- it is anticipated in some areas and slows down in others, in third ways it has not begun. Our country is a mosaic and is not distinguished in it, but by virtue of fantasy, pure and uniform processes, widespread. CLA RO is, throughout history, all these inequalities, all these particularities, eventually present confusing and complex aspects. There are several Brasis and not just two, as in the known thesis. Anyway, that confusion and that complexity do not mean absence of the process. If the persistence of a flow of income abroad is an important factor in the research of Brazilian capitalism, the persistence of mixed forms of work is important in research not only of our capitalism but of the formation of the proletariat. As we know, we do not have, rigor, third generation proletariat; There are little the second generation workers. There is permanently the fluction of workers expropriated towards the capitalist areas, where they attend to incorporate themselves into salaried mass. This phenomenon occurs every day before our eyes. And it gains that tragic dimension configured in excess supply, in the existence of a gigantic reserve army, one of the largest in the world, which so much competes to demean the salary and to enable owners to the favorable conditions of numbness of salary, demeaning the level of workforce. In the past, the neighborhood of slave labor and servile labor, that is, of those who lived in feudal conditions, competed,
derosa and Long, to make the existence of the Brazilian wage earner difficult. This is anchored in old days and the settlers brought by Vergueiro to Ibicaba, a well -known example and scandal, they were not the first or the only ones to suffer from such a vicinity with exceeded forms of work, besides the weight of their tradition in the form of behavior of the masters and even in the demand for payment. When, therefore, in a general framework of such complexity and variety, do we admit how there is capitalism in Brazil? Of course, it all leads to consider the country as that archipelago to which an economist referred to, requiring examination of different areas to reach different conclusions. But Brazil itself generates its models and its paradigms. The easiest, because the most co-in, was the one in central-south, today Southeast region, that is, the area understood by the states of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, with a neighboring and appendicular region, the south of Minas Gerais. The fact that there was a certain continuity in material development in this area contributed to the first conditions for the qualitative change it defined, at the time, the appearance of capitalism. Mining, then the coffee advance, finally the industry, mark steps that have been, in this area, for the continuity of the growth of wealth, despised the natural crises, the appearance of the pre -roads that allowed and imposed that change. The passage of the colonial economy to the dependent economy, on the other hand - in which such an area played a preponderant role - allowed the cumulative, little accumulation in the colonial stage, slow in the dependent step, to rely the germ of capitalism and that it developed. Rigor, as historical background, Vergueiro was a bourgeois Pius Neiro, Mauá was a typical bourgeois. Both, this mainly, beaten by the resistance of the predominantly feudal and slave environment. The renovations of the late nineteenth century, particularly the work of work and that of the political regime, with its implications in the financial system, that the tricky was a character episode, such as the fusing trad by Campos Sales was, from another Way, the reforms mark the first vagits of a difficult -born capitalism. Throughout the republi sugarcane, the political panorama actually hides behind
Sometimes only picturesque, the struggle of Brazilian capitalism in its childhood, to subsist in the face of the obstacles with which it faces itself. The controversy over protectionism points out an interesting aspect of this struggle. Internal accumulation, however, finds, in two moments, the opportunity for a leap ahead: the first was the World War that lasted from 1914 to 1918; The second was the crisis that began in the world in 1929. There are the conferences, the opportunities were used and the relations Capita lists spread. Two other episodes, later, but already under different conditions, marked the advance of these relations: the 1930 movement, with the political collapse of the old oligarchies, which translated feudal and semi-feudal domination, and the 1939-1945 World War. The Estado Novo, strictly speaking, was an episode of the bourgeois revolution in Brazil, following the 1930 movement and the reforms that a new political order imposed. Now there are no relevant facts here to mark a time when relationships pass to Capita lists. There is no chromwell, no Brazilian people have been imposed on the Brazilian people, there is no fall from the Bastille and we had neither marat or Napoleon. The Brazilian process differs entirely from the model of the European West, which is the classic model. Brazilian capitalism advances slowly, takes advantage of the gaps to faster advances, always transigrates with the most backward and economic relations that ensure them, maneuver, retreat, compose. It generates a shy bourgeoisie, which prefers to be struggling, weak and therefore shy, that it dare not leaning on popular forces but episodically feels the pressure of imperialism but fears to face it, as it fears proletarian pressure more. Episodes of advancement are like levels, duramented you sometimes. There are no prominent historical episodes, those who go to the compendiums, then taught in schools and the object of civic celebrations. This does not mean that the process does not work, does not advance - although the advance is not uniform and linear - not marked by achievements. Such a process is further assigned to the movements of a square wheel, which becomes round as it rolls, first to the falls, shaking the structures, then smoother. Our bourgeois revolution has not yet made this gigantic wheel round yet. We are
Inside her, being part of her, we are witnesses and protagonis tas. But heterogeneity persists: archaic Brazil surrounds us everywhere; Latifundium persists, Resist, shaken but only I streak. The agrarian changes are processed by Durís Sima Via Prussian: Every day we are watching episodes, chops and scandals of this tortuous way, which inflicts suffering and misery to the peasant masses, kept in secular delay, even in the early efforts of organization and the former Awareness struggles. It is a bourgeois revolution peculiar to the recent collar past nation and dependent economy. Difficult bourgeois revolution, because imperialism, which presides over dependence, puts all obstacles to the union between bourgeoisie and proletariat-nato for effective advancement. At the time of the classical bourgeois revolution, that of the European West, the bourgeoisie could ally with the infiping rated proleta to defeat the feudal lords and overthrow their rights and privileges. He was the lady of her destiny and strong enough to, after the fight, reserve the advantages of victory. Today, this does not happen. The bourgeoisie, in dependent economy countries, fears the alliance with the dominated classes, as they are strong enough to claim participation in the advantages of victory. We then let's go through the leaps and ravines of a bourgeois revolution that develops by levels, shaking of crises and accompanied by imperialism, which intervenes in the process with each step. This bourgeois revolution devoid of spectacular bids, singular in its manifestations, always generates figures highlighted in the business level - the successors of Vergueiro and Mauá - and on the political level. No need to take too long in historical analysis to point out, among the former, Roberto Simonsen; Among the seconds, Getúlio Vargas. The setbacks to the dictated forms and the fascist type regimes are the resources that the bourgeoisie is worth, pressured by imperialism, to ensure the prosecal and the comfortable and peaceful exploration of the labor force: the Estado Novo, as “ Redeemer ”, are examples of this accommodation with the delay. This does not represent fatality, however, but results from the correlation of forces. Insofar as the Brazilian proletariat can become aware and organize and help the peasant masses to move forward,
The bourgeoisie is in need to compose their strength with them, to face imperialism and introduce in the structure of the country the reforms indispensable to harmonious progress, not this numerical growth of indices that evades cruel reality but those who define the advantages that They are extensive to the broadest layers of Brazilian society. In any case, complete the peculiar tasks of bourgeois revolution, not yet achieved, in Brazil, by the very racteristics that it has been covered, it is indispensable. Brazilian burly business has prospects to decide its destination and complete its revolution. Which will have, in any case, in Brazil, completely diverse characteristics, even when finished, not resembling but conceptually - that is, because it is a bourgeois revolution - to classical empirical models. Because, among other things, it is from another historical phase.
The colonial structure Brazil appears in history when the formation of the world market, in the stage that some scholars have agreed to know as a commercial revolution, perhaps to establish and emphasize their differences compared to another stage, the one that became known as the Industrial Revolution, posterior time. Without the understanding of the framework in which it happened, because what the compendiums call “discovery”, it is impossible to distinguish what characterized the colonization, a regime that began with the entry of Brazil in history and that was closed, at the political level , with autonomy. The "discovery" itself derives, not from chance, but from the conditions and motivations that defined the formation of the world market. The great navigations and the so -called “discoveries” or “discoveries”, which configure the so -called “co -in world”, are essential manifestations of the expansion of exchanges that mark the passage of medievalism to the modern age, to mention another category of history commonly Accepts, when feudalism declines and the first conditions arise for the appearance of capitalism. The decline of feudal structure, isolation and reduced exchanges and contacts, breaks the rigid regime of the corporations of ofia and the ties of dependence between the servants and the masters. Parallel to the process of centralization of powers, which gives the king preeminence over the other elements of the nobility, the process in which activities arise or grow from the earth, allow enrichment. Exchanges set new conditions of existence, requiring new techniques, new insights and even new ethics, the ethics that removes them the previous status. It is, therefore, the time of commercial capital and usurer capital, that earned in the Movement of Markets, which was earned with the money viewed as a merchandise. At the level of events, it is the time of the Crusades, the papal fiction- when European and Christian become synonymous- from the struggles to expel the Arabs from the continent and allow the remaining SX/LO/QJL
Blessing of commercial navigation in the Mediterranean to the Cris Tans, from the fall of Constantinople, taken as a historical landmark and, in general, of the real unification, the dawn of nations. At the level of culture, Renaissance and Humanism, with the appearance of national languages and national literature. At the level of techniques, the use of gunpowder to propel projectiles, the exchange letter to facilitate the circulation of money, in the long -haul vegation, to expand the scripts and to allow the devassation of the oceans. Qualitative transformation at the level of trade is operated as long as the amount of goods exchanged from the spice stage, whose consumption was limited to the most fortunate classes, as a rule, at the stage of products that find wide consumption and, therefore-because-because Trade dominates the proof - must be produced and consumed on a large scale. This qualitative transformation will affect, in the process of accelerated pace, products even very little local consumption-such as sugar-making them goods, that is, what is produced to be exchanged, and should be exchanged on a much larger scale than that before, reaching distant markets. For what, in the field of techniques, the means of transportation are perfected and navigation creates new boats and new orientation systems. The specialization of regions in the production of certain merchanties obeyed the determinism of ecological conditions, first in time, and only after obeying that of economic conditions. At that time, the specialization, as a rule, of hanging from naturally fixed conditions, that is, of ecological conditions. Exchanges with the East, for land scripts to the ports of the Mediterranean-the caravans routes-develops in such proportions that they began to require greater transport capacity and such requirement could only be met by navigation. Among the oriental products that, with a past of ciarias, had reached the level of the wide consumption goods, was the sugar, obtained from sugarcane, plant from flooded areas of cane, providing a broth there. Transported to Mesopotamia, the Arabs created the technique that allowed to transform the broth into solid; Only after transformed into solid, sugar became commodity. The wide contact of
Arab caravans with the Venetian boats that frequented the ports of the Mediterranean background allowed Italy merchants in hegemony at the first moment of the expansion of sugar consumption in Europe. They dominated not only production, but especially marketing. As sugar required, to be transported, industrial beneficiation, it was necessary for the proofs to have access to the technique that provided the rudimentary member of the mills and that the traders would have access or dominate the means of transport. The third term was as regards consumption: consumer markets had to be controlled. Region of mandatory passage to navigation between Europe and the background of the Mediterranean-theater of large contacts between Christians and Muslims, between the West and the East-by Tugal originated from common process in feudal decline, when territories were fragmented by force of disputes between gentlemen. His autonomy has settled in particular in the wide raw contacts, which allowed him to resist attempts to reincorporation to the domain of origin and to confront the prolonged struggle against the Arabs in order to expel them. In the Portuguese ports, Mercantile groups were hosted early on, and particularly those who gave the Italian peninsula. The precocity of the monarch unification and the active presence and prestige of the mercantile group, in part, allowed Portugal to enter the national stage before other peoples. This anticipation gave Portugal, too, the conditions to be at the forefront of the maritime expansion that would directly connect the Eastern producing markets to the markets of consumers in Europe. Prior to launching the ocean navigation stage, which resulted in the so-called “discoveries”, Portugal expanded the exchanges with the African regions and also became heir to Italian Mer Cantilism. Of the Venetians, the merchants based in Portugal received the secrets of sugar production and trade, which they began to dominate very early, becoming a sugar product in the Atlantic islands. However, they were not able to operate the creation of a consumer market capable of allowing the expansion taken later by production sugar. This operation - the most important of the initial phase of Mercantilis Mo - belonged to the Dutch, who had development
Manufacturing that allowed them to manufacture the Machinery of the Moen das, technical development to build relatively large boats, and economic development that allowed them to be considerable to advance in exchanges and anticipate the advent of capitalism. Since Italians before, Portugal, however, exercised the intermediation covenant, that is, it did not sell what was produced in the kingdom but what it bought in other areas. In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese practically exerted the monopoly of sugar from the islands, cotton and India pepper, socotora alkes, pearls of ormuz, cinnamon and ceylon rubies, sandalwood and camphor Sumatra, clove and nutmeg of dolucas, cane musselines, tea from India and porcelains of Japan. It was, for the Portuguese mercantile group, to obtain, for purchase, for exchange or by force, Goods in the producing areas and to sell them in the consumer areas, earning the price difference between the initial and the final operation. In this resident the secret of Portuguese success and in this resided its failure, its fundamental weakness: the Portuguese economy was not national. Origin of colonization The intermediation trade was, by characteristic, the extremes disconnect, production and consumption, and had nothing to do with the structure of the producer and consumer markets. Hence the establishment, in the east, of simple faces, that is, squares where the shipment of goods was operated. It was not about occupying the producing area. It was not a matter of setting up production, which existed before, which constituted a separate company, in which the Portuguese traders did not interfere. The development of sugar trade, however, presents to the Portuguese, for the first time, the need to occupy, to interfere with the production, of populating - of coalizing, in short. The Portuguese state structure was not prepared for the new task that was presented in the course of mercantile development. The company of navigations and co -mournial on a world scale will not predict the eventuality of occupying, populating, producing. She was not a producer, but only mercantile. If the eventuality of assuming the production charges was risky, even if there is already production in the area to be occupied -
As was the case in the East-it was much more difficult in the case where production was not existed, it was to begin with. And this was precisely the Brazilian case. Since it was about setting up, in a distant region, a producing company that met the interests of Metropo Litano mercantilism, it had to launch the foundations of such a company in such a way that it was inserted within the time. That produced, as a elimination of the eliminatory, goods that may enter the currents of commerce; that therefore had a market assured. That merchandise that already had a wide and able to still be expanded, which was already incorporated into the Lusa Production and Mercantil experience and which was able to provide high profitability was sugarcane sugar, which Portugal produced on the Atlantic islands. As long as the ecological conditions allowed, sugarcane was imposed as an appropriate plant. Its successive transplantations had proven easy adaptation within certain soil and climate limits in new regions. To produce, however - satisfied the ecological conditions and chosen the proper merchandise - it took much more. It was necessary capital (in the sense of a certain amount of di nheiro, so simply) and it was necessary workforce. As for the first requirement - about what we agreed to know as an initial investment - major obstacles were presented, since mercantile accumulation was slow and, not being national, in the Portuguese case, was constantly in the turn of the Portuguese state reach. Two lines presented themselves, in solving the problem: to seek, once again, the Dutch Mercantile Alliance, traditional in the exploration of sugar, present in techniques, production, transportation and distribution; and to transfer to individuals, primarily those enriched in trafficking with the East, the initial positions. Of course, in one case and the other, because both lines were adopted, a sharing was operated. From the outset, therefore, it is verified that the colonization of Brazil has imported, from beginning, in a profit transfer to foreign merchants. To the Portuguese private, the grantee would transfer powers the most seas, majestic nicknamed even, but the condition of the resources of resources for the initial investment was required.
It had to be solved the problem of the workforce. If it was about producing to export, and this condition, by itself, marks and characterizes The initial situation of Brazil had to be due on a large scale. It would make no sense to produce a small scale, in such a distance, and even less to produce for local or near consumption. Great production, as the earth's activity was placed at the time demanding numerous work. Since, at the time, wage labor only exists in isolation, the spontaneous and natural exit was in slavery, that is, in the physical coercion of the mass of workers. They could be indigenous if they adapted to sedentary work thanks. The reasons that prevented the use of Indía Gena in the assembly of the sugar company in Brazil are known. Hence the departure of the transplantation of African slave masses, since modern slavery had already been a solution for land occupation in southern Portugal, for the production of sugar in the islands and other types of exploration, being the slave traffic one of the GRAN DES MERCANTILISM Enterprises. The great pieces of the structure were therefore arranged: to have RA, which was virgin and extensive, ecologically favorable; The capital, raised in the Dutch merchant area and still in the Portuguese, and raised by what could have been known as a private initiative ”; The workforce, transferred from Africa, approaches the practice of slave, widely lucrative companies. The state donated the lands, that there was no history of ownership, delegated powers and reserved the monopoly of trade. Thus, the particular was the company's risks, received broad administrative and political rights, monopolized production, in which the state only interfered with taxation, previously determined, but did not interfere with marketing. It was, therefore, an average solution: if, before, the mercantile state did not interfere with the Extre Mos, the producing area and the consumer area, isolated from both, making only intermediation, now innovatively, remains absent from the consumer and delegated area the production area. Behind the rigorous assembly of the company Producing Bra Sirão - which, in the seventeenth century, presents itself as the largest worldwide company, the one that competes in the currents of commerce, with the larger volume of goods - is therefore the commercial capital of
European West, the most advanced of the pre-capitalist forms of capital. If it is therefore absurd to speak of real estate income, in the initial stage of Brazilian life, when it does not impose limits on the use of capital or labor without capital, it is, on the contrary, to examine colonization as a gigantic producing company planted. It has, in Brazil, in the particular case, only thirst, because everything that composes it, except the earth, comes from outside. This transplanation breaks with local historical development, as it destroys, where it is implemented and where it spreads, the primitive community Indía Gena, interrupting its natural evolution to slavery, involving in this interruption the destruction of the cultural heritage of the early inhabitants of the earth also . What defines, consequently, the transplanted regime? The essential trait is in slave labor. It is broadly-the broader, in time-of modern slavery, provided by merchant expansion, the constitution of the world market, the primitive accumulation in the European West and the advancement of mercantilism that announces the creation of conditions for the emergence of the capitalism. Colonial exploration - in the sense of particular colonization - is therefore one of the most important sources for the advent of capitalism, not being established although in capitalist form, rather aligning, by real needs, in force, historically surpassed regime, historically, The cage. The Brazilian slave production was not intended for the domestic market, which did not exist, but external, of entirely different characteristics; It is established here when the production of Mercarias and its commercialization had reached, on a Mun Dial scale, a higher stage and will feed its development; It is established here in extensive areas, in the regime of Great Pro - Latifundium, and will be its propeller spring. It is a modern slave regime, entirely different from classic slavery in form, here presenting non-exclusive but gigantic form, which eventually configures a system of seemingly anomalous system, because original: closed by den, due to the absence of internal market ; closed on the outside, because submitted to the commercial monopoly regime. This set of characteristics begin to emerge, the large defining lines of the
that was called colonization: ecological specialization; the initial absence of land value and its wide availability; the commercial monopoly regime. Brazilian colonization, thus structured, initially attracted its first steps when Heyday of the Portuguese Mercantile Development, mined, however, for the weakness already indicated; In the course of a century, the largest producing company in the world constituted; but crossed the later stages already in the decline phase of Luso mercantilism and the subordination of the Tropole in the political correlation of forces in the world framework. If Portugal, at the time of mercantile and political splendor, founded its expansion in the association with foreign organizations, in the decline phase the possibilities of accumulation became in it practically null. Thus, a reduced accumulation, of all devoid by the company's shape and the extent of seizure, was further reduced, of luck to annul. The income flow that began in the colony and carried to the metropolis, as it just goes through it, being intended for other areas. As this occurs, colonization becomes extortive, and increasingly former fault. The colonial economy this becomes clear with the advent of mining. Appearing two centuries after the establishment of colonization and when Brazilian sugar had entered a serious crisis, due to the effect of competition from other producing areas, mining subverts the current scheme, forcing the metropolis to interfere with the production area and forcing it to take over The totality of the powers instead of delegating them. The previous accommodation, monopolizing the gentlemen, in the colony, the production, and monopolizing the masters in the metropolis the marketing, breaks. It is not limited to this plan, which would be serious, the romance and the change. Others are the changes introduced into the colonization regime. Mining opens perspectives - that sugar denied - to the free man, because it does not require figure investment. It occurs in distant zone of the coast, forcing the opening of goods. Leads to the displacement of resources, attracted from other
Zones, particularly those that decline. Essentially, the mine is profoundly affects the system by two ways, the owner of the land and that of the slave regime: the miner does not seek a title of ownership, but a title to mining, exhausted the veins in the granted area, passes ahead, moving constant. The slave, for his part, sees the work regime, much more able to provide manumission, much less extended. The price of the slave suffers considerable discharge and the mining area not only receives masses of slaves from the sugar area but those provided by rising trafficking. Mining does not only cause the occupation of an extensive interior area, but, especially, considerable growth of moographic that, gradually, generates the domestic market, first to the very nonexistent in the colony. The sugar structure really obeyed the symmetrical scheme: majority concentration of appeal in the production abroad and minority dispersal of appeal, usually leftover, in the production of subsistence, almost outside the market, because it is intended for the simple maintenance of the inhabit of Latifundium. However, the emergence of domestic market, generated by the conjunction between demographic growth and rise of the purchase of purchase, represents new condition, in colonial life, and its importance reverberates throughout the territorial extension of the colony and even in Spanish areas. Gold transforms into merchandise, the extreme specialization it requires and the concept in its search for all efforts, products before consumed from the place, produced only to meet local needs. They are conserved, transported and consumed in this domestic market that has expanded from the early eighteenth century to a decades after its first half. In addition to sugar production and auriferous production, Colô Nia, from the seventeenth century, presents two other structures of production: that of the Amazonian collecting economy, entirely desired and focused on external markets, and pastoral, with two main areas, the northeastern backlands and that of the slate plains, both aimed at the domestic market; The older northeastern, meeting the needs of sugar estates; Sulin, later, meeting the needs of the mining zone. When the four structures are in simultaneous operation, although at an unequal pace, the colony reaches its territical dimension
The maximum of the maximum and has accelerated demographic growth, with the ganglion occupation of the territory, that is, with the form of an economic and demographic archipelago that reaches our day and always represents an obstacle to both unity and national development, assuming that this It depends essentially on the existence of extensive domestic market, to which dispersion contradicts. Of course, in this dispersion and in this variety, it becomes difficult to find the universal traits: the sugar, traveled economy, having constituted gigantic producing company, rests on the slave regime, which conditions it; It has been focused on export and decline since the seventeenth century, when the Dutch are distanced from the Brazilian producing area and set up their own concurrent colonial producing area; The Amazonian collecting echo, making, in US lands, the spice trafficking, rests on the religious structure of missions and the servile work of the indigenous people that the missions raise, also focused on export; The Auri Fera economy, reaching fast and transitory splendor, rests on a kind of new slavery, until its decline, providing, as well as, even though it also turned outside, the profound transformations that eventually ruin the colonial regime, departed in shortly generating the domestic market; The pastoral economy, always daily and with dispersed areas, rests on the work of feudal conditions and is double -sided: the meat, facing the domestic market, and that of leather, facing the foreign market and crossing ups and lows. The angle it allows to have the whole of the colonial economy - of any economy, moreover, through the times - a more exact view is that of taxation, which denounces the way the income appropriation is regulated. This taxation - which has not yet been conveniently studied, and the research and analysis is summarized alongside the legislation, forgetting the learner, reality - meets the interests of the ruling classes, the metropolis and the colony. In the study of the for the appropriation and the appropriation of income it would also be important to discriminate against the function of the land, which varies from structure to structure over time: it starts by having a function at the beginning of the sugar company to assume it , from the moment
The earth is the object of work, generating the landlord; It is devaluable, not entering the line of account, in the Amazonian collecting structure; It is less important than cattle in pastoral structures to the phase when meat becomes commodity; It appears as less important, also in Mining Ascensio Nal, when the important thing is the concession to look for gold, the gold being more important than having, but evolving, with the decay of mining, to a prominent importance, with extensive appropriation. It would also be convenient to verify, in the formation and appropriation of income, that it is carried out in commerce, hence the function of internal trade in its accumulation. But of course, there is, throughout the colonial season, and by virtue of the regime implanted here, the concentration of income, with regard to those living in the colony, that is, leaving aside those who, appropriating the income, They do not live in it: maximum concept in the sugar and minimal structure in the mini-neat structure. While in that, really, almost all the Lord of land and slaves-note: the almost total of the portion that is in Brazil-in this contrary, a constant apportionment of profits is operated through the mechanism of the exchanges. If the sugar structure generates a type, the Lord of Engenho, who soon stands out from the mass of the inhabitants, with singular pretense, the mining structure highlights a few fortune characters, mostly earned in the area of commerce: the gold, practically, , did not enrich any Brazilian. And it was, however, one of the driving springs of the development of accumulation in the European West and, consequently, of capitalist advancement. The second half of the eighteenth century, particularly in its last three decades, marks profound transformations in the world's self -employment, to which the colonial economy is linked to dialectical relation: capitalism destroys the last obstacles that are compared to its full expansion. Colonial exploration, one of the accumulation, preparatory to the qualitative change that then operates, is accentuated. Brazilian gold demonstrates this aggravation of the conditions of colonial exploration: accumulated in the extension, transformed into a reserve fund or wage, becomes the driving of transformations into process. But the colony receives, on its part, the effects of those transformations, and much more that already represents a market of considerable proportions
for the time. It receives them, however, in a phase of crisis, when sugar, which had never recovered entirely from the competition obstacles, declines the export flow, the Amazon spices lose markets, the slave trade decreases its supplies to Brazil, and gold It causes the use of representative processes and unpublished extortion, in search of amounts that will never reach. Colony's total annual income from an amount valued at five million pounds to an estimated amount of three million. In this phase of crisis, which extends, it is more than in the phases of prosperity, as if operates the concentration of income abroad. Indeed, what defines an economy as colonial, and this is valid for any time, is the flow of income abroad. An economy is colonial when the income it provides is concentrated abroad. The colonial society for its origins, the colonization of Brazil excluded, at first, the participation of the best and most active elements of Portuguese society, free peasants, artisans, small eating crumbs. The sugar structure did not allow such participation, there was no room for elements of such qualities. Few are those who find, in the sugar -producing company, work perspective. Of course, the reduced number of worked on free, in the mill, matters little to the characterization of the social structure; Those who make the boxes to pack sugar, those who prepare leather utensils, those who deal with the rudimentary plug machines are diluted portion, surge between the slave mass and the tin minority of gentlemen. It is a society defined by two classes, separated by enormous social distance: that of the Lords, who are the owners of the earth and those who work in it, and are few, and that of slaves, who provide the work and are arrested to the mill. A producing entity is a owner, surrounded by the parentela, dependent, and numerous slaves, who operate, maintain, produce. The elements between one and the other of these classes lack meaning to define the social structure. It is a society originated from the conditions under which the colonization was assembled and developed in the sugar area. If you consider
Current legislation, slaves are out of any class, as they are qualified as animals, objects of the Lord, not creatures, people, people. In the articulated society around the collecting economy Ama Zônica already the bonds are not the same. Those who appropriate the majority of income inside are the gentlemen, no matter that they are religious, acting as representatives of institutions or organizations and not as isolated people, operating for their own benefit. But those who provide work not to be rigorously qualified as slaves, even though certain features resemble them to slaves; They are much closer to the situation of the feudal servant. In any kind, this intrusion of religious catechesis, mixed with colonizing activity and, Portan to, producer, and colonial producer, in tribal organizations, in the indigenous primitive communities, generates something hybrid, whose lification undoubtedly presents forced sense. Indians who work, with the natural practice of their experience of tribal and community organization, for religious orders, whose missions are large producing units, can be much more situated as servants than as slaves. Another particular situation is that of workers in the areas of Pas Toris who, in the Northeast, as in the south, initially have a strong indigenous contribution. The gentlemen stand out clearly in the social landscape, but the workers, also here, are not slaves. Sometimes they are even of African origin and come from the latifundes closest to the coast, but still do not behave like slaves. There is, in pasture, much shorter social distance between gentlemen and workers than the one that, in the mills, separates from each other. By their nature, by physical, geographical, the owner and the worker, the freedom of movements inherent in pastoral activity, livestock zones show, unlike agricultural zones, a much closer to feudal society than of the slave society. We can accept, therefore, admitted to the individuals, as of gentlemen the proprietary class and as of servants the working class. The elements not included in one or the other lack of numerical and social expression. The same happens in the Southern Pastoral Zone, until the meat becomes a commodity and, although social formation, in this case, is very different from that
that occurs in the northeastern backlands. Still here, gentlemen appear, on the one hand, owners of cattle and, soon ahead, of cattle and earth, and servants, which are the workers, the pedestrians. Aço colonization, on the sea coast and on the lagoon coast, founded in calables in agriculture, with the appearance of the charqueadas, will modify this simple structure of society, responding, in cliff, by contribution, although reduced, of slave labor in the southern area. In this area, over time, and even in the colonial phase, society crosses some important transformations that differentiate layers and their relationships. But it is undeniable that the most complex society is one that appears and develops around mining. In Minas Gerais, really, although the work was based on Beginning, in the slave, whether the African or the one from the Northeast sugar, the number of free people has always been higher than the number of slaves, and mining did not exclude the free worker, the Emboaba spotlight. At the same time, the miner specializes in his activity, for the high profitability it presented, others must, with demographic growth and the rise of purchasing power, develop parallel and indispensable activities: small subsistence agriculture, small trade , crafts and artisanal and even artistic mysteries, which are emerging and developing. Not to mention these activities related to a division of labor that enhances considerablely and a state device that is growing dementedly and that is present, with the militia, with justice, with the tax authorities, with the administration, everywhere. Especially in those activated in the domestic market that comes and grows: those who with Pram and sell, those who carry - the drover is a type that mining creates and brand -, those who oversee the purchase and sale, as in transportation, Records, in cattle fairs, in the markets. In this case, it is a much more complex society, the complex society that appears in Brazil, in the colonial phase, when the division of labor is reflected in a class structure already different from the one that was symmetrically divided among gentlemen, On the one hand, and slaves or servants on the other hand. Because if the uniqueness of mining, in the field of eco nomi, was the gestation and development of the domestic market -
That before had no practical existence in the colony - its social singing was the creation and development of a middle layer, between the masters, very distinct class, and that of slaves and servants, classes not always clearly differentiated, departed cullably that of the servants. This middle layer does not cease to grow from mining, even when it declines; It will be present in the urban development that accelerates, from the late eighteenth century and, in the first half of the nineteenth century, has even highlighted political role. It is certainly Brazilian historical peculiarity to appear of this middle layer, which can perfectly be understood as a small bourgeoisie before the appearance of the bourgeoisie. In it are recruited, or enter, the literate, priests, the military, the artisans, the small traders, some free workers owners of their work instruments, those who prevent public functions, occupy places in administration, whose growth is of the most typical traces of mining activity. If a small bourgeois is, after all, a small to the prisoner, there is no doubt: in the mining zone the constant apportionment of the internal portion of income - the portion that is in the Lonia - allows numerous elements to the condition of small owners , owners, when less, of work instruments. This small bourgeoisie, which will be present in the piractions, at the end of the century, when the decline of mining, is numerous, varied, important in all aspects. The mining society is clearly presents, and this is undoubtedly a new uniqueness, an interest social phenomenon, which we agree, at least as a work hypothesis, to know as “feudal regression”. What is it about, in this case? From the passage of slavery - already differentiated - which signaled the ascension phase of mining activity, to a feudal type of relationships. As, in human history, the passage of slavery to feudalism corresponded to the development of wealth, to economic advancement, we prefer to call regression to this process, since, in it, the passage to a more advanced social regime coincided with a phase of decline economic. Anyone is important, it is not the title but the reality of the historical process. The fact is that slavery gave way - though without any opinion at all, because the decline corresponded to an expansion
Extensive from subsistence crops - feudal relations, even when workers were once slaves and were black, that is, they retained the label of color. The vast mining region - comprising extensive portions of the current states of Minas Gerais, Goiás and Mato Grosso, not to mention Bahia - passes, in the second half of the eighteenth century, in whose beginning mining reached its heyday, by a rapid process of Atrophy, in which what it calls as "feudal regression" is processed. It is a whole structure, and of very large dimensions, which collapses, in a small period, without the inhabitants accept and conform to such collapse, insisting on traditional activity, as if everything returned, everything could redo, the splendor resurface . This inertia, as a permanence in the movement, which contrasts, increasingly Scandalously, with the reality of a stagnation that spreads and deepens, undermining everything, has, for example, the artistic flowering in musi, letters and even the arts, that are the ex -traordinary monuments that awaken permanent attention, in same tell me when time distances them from us. It should be considered, after all, that - much to the contrary of what some suppose, who are schematically accusing a classic discretion in the classic model, from the West Euro Peu, particularly everything that concerns feudal relations, Presence accused here - such discrimination rests on the research of reality and its analytical treatment according to theoretical formulations that correspond to the universality of categories and sites. It is up to the full property here to clarify Charles Paain: With these reserves, there can be no inconvenient to call “feudal”, as the men of the eighteenth century did, the whole system in which the worker of the fields, having ceased to be Slave is subjected, however, to all kinds of extra-economic obligations, limiting their freedom and personal property, so that neither their workforce nor the product of their work have not yet become simple objects of free exchanges , true goods. Thus, the Roman settler of the fourth century already announced the “feuded lol” and the Hungarian or Sicilian peasant of 1930 still subjected to obligations of the same nature. This is the meaning of the generalization of the word "feudal".
Of course,, in the case of the colonial phase, what is written here refers exclusively, nor could it be so, apart from the state established in the colony, to generate it. These are pieces of that state, appendages of the central organs, headquartered in the metropolis. Now, of what has been seen before, as to the origins of colonization and the economy and colonial society, it is easy to conclude that the assembly of these pieces had two phases: the first, while the delegation of powers worked, with their transfers to the private order; the second, when the resumption of powers and their concentration was processed. The first phase took place from the beginning of colonization, with the establishment of the hereditary captaincies, until the advent of mining; The second, from the advent of mining to the arrival of the court of D. João to Brazil. From the presence of the court in Rio de Janeiro, real mind, begins a third phase, which is practically outside the limits of the present work: the state structure is outlined that, expanded and improved, will be effective with independence. The colonial state actually exists between the beginning of colonization and the transferee to Brazil of the Court, that is, the passage of Rio de Janeiro to the headquarters of the monarchy, with the metropolis occupied by the Na-Poleonic forces. In the first phase, the private order is absolute. In the letters of donation and the flood, which constitute true tax code, the delegation of powers is fixed. Still with the establishment of a general government it does not cease. The grantees are powerful in their captaincies, and the existence of a governor general in Bahia does not reduce their powers. What reduces their powers, below, is less that captaincies, successively, become real than the rise of planters who, having themselves more considerable than the grantee, exercise local or regional powers undeniable and undisputed. If the grantee receives, with the letter of donation and the charter, specifically, the powers that the crown delegates, and enters their exercise as soon as the colony, this exercise remains in theory until he becomes lord of mill - It is worth more as such as a grantee. Those who did not have sufficient resources to cross the grace period, in the installation of mill,
They did not stop the powers that had been delegated to them. As well as grantees, they lack resources and equipment for the exercise of the public power. As a planters, they are endowed with such resources and equipment. In this sense, to some extent, the grantee is more a holder than something else. It is therefore a minimum state apparatus of very simple lines, almost reduced to tax functions and even thus peroing and even stimulating, from the early days, evasion, the tax authorities, systematic evasion. Since there are raw materials whose exploitation the state reserves, the so-called realenges genres is repeated, in this case, the delegation, since such exploitation is processed by granting to individuals, obliged to pay for it. The concession regime, by the way, is customary in medieval legislation and is repeated in Brazil for traditional conditions and conditions imposed by reality. Contractors, particularly highlighted the one who is dedicated to the exploration of law, appear with frequencies, in the early days, and They will reappear in the mining framework, particularly for the exploration of diamonds. It is, in short, in the first phase of colonization, that of sugar, of an absent state, whose powers are transferred and that is cup essentially with the collection. That shares powers, after all, and that allows domination, which becomes traditional and which will constitute the core of the landlord, over the centuries, of the private order. The state is even more absent and distant in the case of unpublished and fluid, loosely articulate in the areas of Amazonian collecting economics and pastoril Sulina economy (northeastern preserves its strokes, though attenuated, of the absolute privatism of the agricultural area that surrounds). The Nico Amazo Valley, which religious missions have helped to devass and occupy - a point occupation throughout the rivers - has very particular lines, because it is essentially a kind of state within the state, but a state Present, active, so -called geographical gigantism, in the face of an absent and distant state. Of a state of rigid lines, mission orders, built over a thin, scattered indigenous population, which groups by catechesis and that puts the impromptuing structure of the forest, its practice of river navigation, its knowledge of the production of the forest. .
This distinguishes the state -owned state apparatus more fundamentally in the Sulina pastoral zone is marked by the military conditions of which it is covered. How the area is indefinite, regarding the seizure and the problems of sovereignty, in the sense that they can be understood at the time, with boundaries that advance and retreat, the struggle for cattle and the later struggle for pastures - such as prolon cattle struggle for Penetration in the vast platinum market, stimulated by English - war is the constant phenomenon, life is camping and, consequently, the military presence is made in the cessary: next to the troop that represents public order and, therefore, the State, in fact, almost always majority, the irregular troop, which represents the private order. The distribution of land, the regulation of conflicts, the definition of powers, all, in the Sulina pastoral zone suffers from military influence. However, it translates the presence of the state and confuses private interests with public interests, in the sense that they are defended by the state in theory. Over time, on the other hand, the two powers, that of the state and that of the masters, the stancies, are struggling, face, harassed. Some essayists try to explain such a contradiction based on the differences between the type of activity developed on the maritime coast and on the lagoon coast and the type of activity developed in the campaign: that particular founded in alert colonization, becomes the foundation of the state; This, on the contrary, represents the private, turbulent, fierce, violent order. By contrast to these forms of state, or state appendix, which presented themselves in the sugar zone, in the zone of collecting eco, in the pastoral zones, the ways in which the state presents itself in the mining zone are marked by the very large dimension, By the acting presence, the continued interference, the reduction of private order to minimum space. The device is in mining, which begins to emerge in the most distant area, Cuiabá, since the visit of Governor Rodrigo César de Meneses, ending the bandage of the bandeirantes, grows rapidly in Minas Gerais, almost from the first discoveries, more strongly since the fight with the Emboabas. Its presence of this, markedly marked by the tax sense and the repressive sense. Thus, the fundamental pieces of the state apparatus are, in the mining zone, the tax authorities and the militias, complemented
by the organs of justice. Note that the displacement of the headquarters of the colonial Go Verno to Rio de Janeiro, closer to the mining zone and linked to them soon frequented by ordinary travelers, drovers that make the exchanges, military forces and entourages Officers, authorities who leave functions or assume them, corresponds to an expansion of the judicial apparatus as well as the transfer to Brazil of court that, before, decided from Lisbon the appeals judged here. It is a matter of bringing the state apparatus closer to a zone where it must be present, where its absence will result in irreparable losses to the metropolis. The study of the colonial state apparatus, in the mine zone, would require wide space, but cause and effect relationships between mining development and growth and approach of the state apparatus are generally recognized and are marked in administrative acts and politicians who even the vulgar history records: the displacement of the headquarters of the colonial government, the elevation of Brazil to the viceroyal Military, regular and irrelevant forces, the gigantic development of bureaucratic offices, the rigor and expansion of tax and tax bodies, the submission of religious organizations themselves. And it does not exist, to establish contrast, significant private power; He begins to resurface with the decay of extraction. Delegated functions, such as the conergers, or some tax functions, cause violent conflicts and make numerous victims. The repression, thus, that rather only against the classes that forged work-slaves, servants, free workers in some cases-now, now, and with great vigor, the middle layer, which constitutes the thickness of the population in the mining zone and in urban areas that arise by virtue of demographic and cial development that the gold rise causes. Successive episodes, which the vulgar history has welcomed, in any cases - the conspiracy of Filipe dos Santos, the conspiracy of Tiradentes, some slave rebellions mainly - sign this rough and active presence of the state apparatus in which the repressive function assumes preponderance , which specializes in it. And documents such as Chilean letters or Devassa Minas Gerais Devasso Autcs emphasize the contrast between this state apparatus, which we would call the police today and the yearnings of
population, defined by elements of the middle layer. The state apparatus that mining widens, and in this sense, will soon serve to the court of Prince D. João, when it settles in Rio de Janeiro, unforeseenly made the headquarters of power and the metropolitan state. The colonial ideologies in a class divided into classes, and particularly when the social distance between them is very great, or proportional to such a social distance, there is no ideology, but ideologies: that of the ruling class and that of the dominated classes. In Brazil, there are an ideology of the ruling class, landlords and slaves or servants, and an ideology of slaves and servants and, later, an ideology of the middle or small layer in the bourgeoisie. Vulgar history, which is not concerned with ideology specifically, allows it to show that there is an ideology only, which is that of the ruling class. Slave rebellions only recently began to be studied - the previous material can be accepted only as a preparation - and those of servants have been confused, in their motivations and in their meaning. It is possible, briefly, to state, without broad conditions to prove with documents, that the ideology of slaves has forked between yearning, sometimes taken to the plan of the struggle for freedom, and the longing translated into what vulgar sociology has baptized with syncretism Religious, in spiritual escape, in evasion by thinking, in search of a comfort. Balancing between submission and rebellion, Africa masses in the enslaved, at least first and second generation, put as an advanced ideal to subtract themselves to domination, to release freedom of movements, work in their advantage and, for this , following a path that the indigenous people have pointed out since the beginning of colonization: the escape to the inside and the grouping in areas that the authorities of the ruling class, those of the state and those of private order, did not reach them. The greatest obstacle to the realization of this withdrawal lies in the dispersion that agricultural work imposes and, of course, surveillance and representation are aggravated. The dissatisfaction of slaves and servants assume
Religious physiognomy, often, when they do not derive, and this is frequent, to the ground of individual retaliation, which generates ban ditism. The zones in which feudal relationships prevail over time, and from an early age have successive and typical episode in which banditry and religious fanaticism align, sometimes with very serious proportions. Vulgar sociology is not tanned to distinguish the underlying social in these episodes; For her, from the outset, it is “abnormal collectivities”. Of course, documentation about such episodes, when it exists, must be carefully examined: it does not directly reveal the problems and ideological features, but disguise them. The ideology of the colonial ruling class is that of the metropolis, in the sugar phase: the Lord of prosperous mill is a kind of mandate, a prosecutor of the Metropolitan ruling class and the powers that it exerts, in Portugal, through the state, are the delegated powers to its representatives in the colony. It is a slave and feudal ideology, to which the legislation meets rigorously: discriminatory, racist, safeguarding the most diverse elements, which go from the way of moving to the prejudice of religion and color. The social distance, remarkable in all cases, deeper in the case of the African slave, is only attenuated when submission sanctions its terms: MISCIGENATION - presented, picturesically, by vulgar sociology, as congenital gift of Portuguese, in relation to black, or rather to the black - translates submission, in its most ostensible form. The ideology of the ruling class has insisted and neat, in fact, to explain that slavery was sweet and even well accepted; It was, in the end, a benefit to the slaves. It takes no effort to demonstrate that slavery was the opposite of this. The appreciation of submission, therefore, corresponds, in the ideological level, to the needs of class domination. But the middle layer, at least since the advent of mining, has another notion of the world and life. It has, from the outset, much more need for culture, in the sense of knowledge, than the lower classes, slaves and servants. Appearing as a result of social changes of great depth, it is differentiated, in every way, in the ideological including those lower classes on the social scale. Its elements, most
proper to the ruling class. Therefore, they have many of the precautions and losses of this, especially those of color and religion, although the miscegenation is present with a strong number of numerous contribution to the formation and expansion of this small early bourgeoisie, eager for ascension, but with possibilities in this regard , extremely reduced. In it they reside, however, and perhaps for this very reason, by the narrow wearing of their opportunities for social ascension, the most powerful yeasts of change, the most serious and spread, the most serious rebelliousness. From it depart the movements that shake the captaincies, then provinces. It recruits the elements that speak for the colonial ruling class in the local chambers; Those looking for teaching, diploma, intellectual activity that acts as redemption, as it opens out perspectives to a type of work that does not keep the stigmas of physical work. This middle or small bourgeoisie, which begins to appear in the erased urban nuclei, which is scalded, as a rule, along the ex -tense sea coast, grows extraordinarily with mining and the division of labor it provides. Existent or inexpressive activities previously began to find space since then. In the largest number of cases, urban activities are easier for direct communication, the neighborhood of the administration bodies. When decaying mining puts the naked, with notes of scam, the political contradiction that will bring the colonial regime to the end, and which will disguise or attenuate, to some extent, at the time, the class tradition, this middle layer will provide the Gallery of our saints, our martyrs, our heroes. And, in this complex process, so far also little studied, particularly regarding the problem of cultural alienation, he is on the phenomenon of ideological lag, in the political plane, so ostensible in the movements of rebellion that arise in the late eighteenth century and which will be extended by the 19th century, before and after autonomy. What is that lag? Constant in the effort of appropriation, on the part of the cultured elements of the middle layer - in part, also of the ruling class, to the past of autonomy and after it - of an ideology generated abroad, under objective and subjective conditions that Brazil no
He sat neither in the colonial phase nor in the after phase of autonomy in the nineteenth century. The effort to appropriate a political culture generated under such diverse conditions - and even an artistic culture, particularly the literary - represents one of the deeper problems that our historical development aligned. Your diagetic has been done, because the anomalies it provided are easy to observe; What has not been done is the analysis capable of making it understandable what apparently have dictatories. That would have led the rebels, the conspirators, to adopt in their political formulations, the basic, clear, ostensible principles, generated and popularized by the bourgeois revolution in the European Western and the United States in the late eighteenth century? The libraries of the so-called inconfidants- miners, Bahians, per nambucans- show how the political thinking of the Próceres, recruited in the middle layer in their almost entirely, opened themselves from the purest sources of European and American bourgeois ideology. However, there is evident gap between the ideological formulations generated under objective conditions and under well -known subjective conditions in Europe and the United States of the eighteenth century, and the Brazilian reality of that time, when the colonial regime comes to an end, but in objective conditions and under very diverse subjective conditions. To mention the phenomenon as a cultural transplanation is just to put it, it is not to explain it. The programmatic list of Rebellions and time conspiracies in Brazil: he aligns those points that corresponded in Europe and the United States with the bourgeois revolution in advance. How do you reopen here, where the bourgeoisie is hardly existing? Hence that of Penagem: the reality of an era and the ideology of another time - historical times, well understood. Conclusions The problems that history puts become much more complex when identical phenomena occur in different phases. How reason is almost always analog and classifications
They are sought in Arsenal Conceptual forged before, in other mode, the titles become, from the outset, subject to doubt and motivate wide discussions. Sometimes it turns out that the level of discussion does not exceed the semantic problem. Not always, however. It is up to the discussion itself to distinguish between the formal and the essential, by the systematic application of the historical method and the logical method. Nothing can be understood - and therefore defined - outside the historical process, since everything is historically conditioned. It should be seen, briefly, what happens, in this sense, with the problem of colonization. The first confusion to repudiate is the one that associates the Conce with the historical category of Colonato, a form of transition between the end of classical slavery and the beginning of feudalism in the European West. In this process of transition, the slave begins to free himself, that is, to pass the condition of servant. In the Brazilian case, this has no adjustment and place. The second confusion, and the most serious, because the formal similarities, in fact, induce error, is one that is born of employment, in a concrete case, categories and concepts generated in another concrete case, concepts and categories of a particular type of colonization to another type of colonization. Very generally, starting from the West European, the colization had two historical moments, and very diverse: the movement generated by the creation of the world market, in the late 16th and early 16th century, with the mercantilism and predominance of Commercial capital, pre-capitalist form of capital, from which America has emerged to the known world and when Spain and by Tugal at first, and the Netherlands and England, then seized vast extensions on the new continent, occupying them , populating and exploring them; And the movement from capitalist expansion, which would culminate in imperialism in the late nineteenth century, of which colonial areas emerged, and colonization, from Africa and Asia. The end of colonization, in the first case, occurred among the last decades of the eighteenth century - independence of the thirteen colonies of North America - and the first decades of the nineteenth century - the indulgence of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of America. The end of colonization, in the second case, very close to us, occurred from 1945 from the end of World War II, with the so -called so -called colonial system. This difference, marked in
Time, loses essential significance when limited to this. Because the essential difference is linked to the historical distance. In both cases, however, there is an inevitable consequence: the colonial past marks the nations that suffered it. There are always con- sequences, ills, sequelae anchored in that past. Prin Cipal, without the slightest doubt - present, even in manifestations, more disguised or ostensible of neocolonialism - is linked to that definition: an economy is colonial when the income it provides is concentrated abroad. In any case, in time and space, as this characterizes a neck dependency. The big problem of colonial countries, those of the first as those of the second type is to create, therefore, a national economy. And, of course, a national policy, a national culture. The creation of a national policy is therefore closely linked to the existence and functioning of a democratic structure: the antinational characteristic is, precisely, in the absence of democratic structure, in the validity of dictatorial forms of government. The creation of a Nacio nal culture and its preservation is also closely linked to the democratic blem of freedom of thought and expression, of communication in short. It is the antinational economic forces that generate political forms and antinational cultural forms: to maintain those, it is absolutely necessary to suppress the freedoms that condition democracy and culture. It does not matter, of course, only the colonial past for such ills and sequelae to manifest: having a colonial pass does not constitute an irissible condemnation. What constitutes condemnation, although surplus, is to persist conditions of colonial subordination, and they persist when precise and not passed conditions are still in force. Any development rates are eager - colonization also presented them here, with sugar and gold - the Reality proves that there is a lot of colonial, in Brazil, in the contemporary phase. The problem of generations that begin to enter the age of majority, by their successive layers, therefore, in eliminating the conceptions of the colonial past, so that Brazil becomes national.
In a labor market in the late nineteenth century, Brazil knew significant changes in its institutions. Such changes imported in the collection, at the level of the facts, of contradictions that existed but had been detained in their development. The contradiction without the understanding of which the lines of the Brazilian historical process of that time cannot be clearly verified, it was between the Conhedo, the country, and the form, the regime. The content established by the reality of a transformation of the obsolete economic structure, although consecrated in laws and institutions, and the resistance that found the already ostensible manifestations of new social forces in advance. It was the contradiction between the institutional form and the real teu. In other words, between the capitalist development that accelerated and the framework that society presented. The slave regime of the Empire, inherited from the long colo Nial phase, had become incompatible with the development and spread of capitalist relations. The monarchy was here a colonial heran, it brought the mark of the previous phase in everything and for everything. Not only for the continuity of the monarchical, tropolitan or Brazilian regime, but mainly for the continuity of what the colonial regime had to be clear. The Empire was here the continuation of the colony, regarding the flow of income abroad, up to the middle of the nineteenth century, starting the capitalist accumulation, dependent on then. This process of change is that it will shake the institute structure, imposing the changes that will have a final episode in the monarchy liquid. The Republic is the form that assumes, in Brazil, the process of advancement of capitalist relations; For when it advances, it eliminates the colonial heritage that delayed it. For this, the changes and reforms occur, among which the creation of the labor market, with the expansion of the salaried working space. The Empire was essentially the combination of the Funny Lati with slavery. Were their important features,
Data from the colonial phase, derived from the conditions of what was known as colonization and that lasted more than three centuries, leaving deep roots, therefore. It was the landlords of land and slaves who entreprenered to autonomy, at the time when all Latin America was shaken by the long and stormy process of separation between the Iberian metropolises and their possessions on this continent. Seen from the outside, on an inter national scale, the process was unique and was conditioned by the British rise in the seas and in world trade, with particularities in each case, of course. It was by virtue of certain particularities that Brazil came to autonomy quite differently from that as it was processed in America of Spanish origin. Among other differences, we were responsible for performing independence under insights that were not in our traditions. Brazilian tradition was always republican. Social Fundamentals Brazilian society, after three centuries of colonial dominance, presented, in general, the same structure as the prime decades, except the changes introduced by the advent of mining. The ruling class consisted of the masters. The 1824 Constitution granted them “high and powerful masters”. They were really tall and powerful landlords, slaves and servants. The measure of wealth was in the number of slaves and the extension of the earth. Mining has established new conferences, as it allowed the premature appearance of an average case, that is, consisting of free but non-lands and slave men; At most, owners, particularly in urban areas, of small extensions, such as a small number of slaves, usually “gain slaves”. The expansion of the state area, before and after autonomy, reinforced the middle class with functionalism, under all its forms - particularly military, priests and literate - as allowed a new advance in the division of labor. Now those who follow the said liberal professions now appear because peculiar to free men. By the Constitution of 1824, the slaves do not
They were considered Brazilian, nor citizens of course; Advance, they were accepted as Brazilians but not as citizens. In the large estates, the class of servants was dispersed, those who lived under feudal conditions, then conditions, and even denied. In the window of the regime generated with autonomy, the one who derived from the conditions in which it occurred, was therefore a court with an emperor to the Front and the holders around you, as Vassa Los. This nobility of titles transparently denounced its artificiality: its elements brought titles that remembered, in most cases, the properties they had or even the known geographical accidents, in whose region they lived. It was therefore a planted class, deeply linked to property, and the property was the slave and feudal landlord. Slave or servile labor and appropriation of extensive land were the traces of the infrastructure of the Brazilian ruling class from the time of the passage from the colonial regime to autonomy. Traces that persisted, with this blessing of the monarchy. Around 1872, when he begins to take a figure, Novamen Te - forgotten that his deep historical antecedents were - the movement to change the regime, the Brazilian population was composed of 94.5% of free people and 5.5% of slaves; In absolute numbers, about 8,500,000 for those and 1,500,000 for these. It was a population that grouped into a few nuclei, mostly nearby or on the coast, with internal areas that mining and pasture activity had generated, configuring that physiognomy of archipelago already referred to by many. The distances generated or maintained different revenues, reinforcing social inertia and resistant to change that was always an important trait in the Brazilian society, the more important the older times. Imperial society was portrayed in political institutions. The difference of classes began to appear, in his Veda deira Greatness, in the electoral provisions. Half a century after autonomy, when the decay of the regime was already manifest, the Saraiva Law reduced the electorate, recruited from income, only 145,296 citizens, less than 1.5% of the total population. That's when José Bonifácio, the boy, spoke a speech in the House that deserved to be known today, a political piece of
Higher significance, one of the rare democratic moments of the Imperial Parliament. He showed the ignominy of being excluded from the right to vote what he called the active population, that is, those who worked. It was the horror of work, always present in Brazilian society today, and that notes not a sense of aristocracy, as some naive intend, but the sense of monopolistic possession of power by a class, excluding the discussion of problems by those who created wealth. The horror of work, rooted in colonial slavery, was a typical trace: working was an unworthiness, dishonored the so -called free men. The elections in the Empire were no more than farce, and as such they were often denounced by the very ruling classes of the ruling class, in the contradictions that separated and antagonized sometimes. They were indirect, as required by Article 90 of the Constitution granted. In it, it was actually displayed that those in the Members for the General Assembly "will be made by indirect elections, electing the mass of active citizens in parish assemblies to province voters and these representatives of the nation and provinces." There was a kind of electorate selection, as if it were too numerous. With the Saraiva Law, the lower layer of this electorate was eliminated, that is, those closest to the people. In Article 92, the Constitution had that they were excluded from the right to vote, even in primary or parish elections, those who did not have the amount of one hundred thousand reis for root, industry and commerce or employment. Neither the illiterate ones nor the pre -excluded squares were expressly excluded. It was not necessary: discrimination was established on the basis of income. Quan do, in 1855, the so -called Circle Law, the Senate, which was lifelong, was almost challenged, raining that “deputies and senators will no longer come out among the remarkable people”, but not the “notbities of the village, the employees subaltern ”. It was the reaction of the elite against "chusma". The electoral reform, with the Saraiva Law, had a stormy dealing. Victorious in the House, it was accurately rejected by the Senate. The device that granted the right to vote to non-surprising non-Catholics was refused. Nabuco de Araújo, who therefore paid a high political price, would make the painting a portrait
bitter: "The election will be of a few, as concentrated as the property is [...] the medicine for this would be, gentlemen, in the territorial tax that divided the large or uncurrency property and competition to regularize the possessions of settlers or renters, and the respective rights. ” It was repeating the recommendation of José Bonifácio, the patriarch, who already linked the abolition of slave to the question of the land. Problem that, until our day, gives the legislator worrying and arouses anachronistic controversies. Hence the narrow of the electoral field, reduced, already at the end of the regime, to a few tens of thousands of voters, to 0.25% of the country's population. And the choices, which today seem curious, and which were naturally natural, given the conditions of the time, such as a senator, Afonso Lamounier, by Minas Gerais, with only 54 votes in 1888, already in the agony of the regime, were common. Taunay, in her precious book The Senate of the Empire, mentions data that today seem astonishing to us: in the first choice of senators in 1826, to just talk to those who were in mid -me - because there was too, it wasn't enough to be elected - Pará was not enough - Pará was not enough elected J. V. Nabuco de Araújo with 94 votes; Rio Grande do Norte elected Afonso Deaibuquerque Maranhão with only 21 votes; Alagoas elected Felisberto Caldeira Brant Pontes with 67 votes; The Holy Spirit elected Francis of Santos Pinto with 31 votes; Santa Catarina elected Lourenço Rodrigues de Andrade with 12 votes; Mato Grosso elected Caetano Pinto de Miranda Montenegro with 10 votes. It is possible to say that this was in the first election and at the beginning of independent life. None of that. In the mid -century, the IOCs continued as before: the Amazon in 1852 led to the Senate Herculano Ferreira Pena with 45 votes; Espírito Santo, in 1850, to José Martins da Cruz Jobim with 64 votes; Mato Grosso, in 1854, to José Antonio de Miranda, with 65 votes. In the ends of the regime, it was still possible to elect a senator, as Acon was in the Holy Spirit in 1879, with Cristiano Benedito Otoni, with 158 votes. The senator who reached the highest vote, throughout the monarchical period, was Evaristo Ferreira da Veiga, in 1887, in Minas Gerais, one of the largest electoral colleges of time, with 10,572 votes, to Manoel José Soares, who reached 10,900 votes . It appears that the most voted was not always chosen by the emperor's appointment. Shortly after approval
From the law of direct elections and in one of the largest electoral colleges in the country, Bahia, Rui Barbosa was reappointed to the House with just over 400 votes. These data denounce the narrowness of the field in which political activity was developed, and the absence of people in it. With the development of capitalist relations and, then, with the bourgeois revolution here, the controversy arose: was slave labor extinct by virtue of the resistance of the slaves or by the princess's gesture? There is already a considerable collection of important works around the subject. They began to be better studied the episodes that dotted the long and terrible resistance opposite by the slaves to the yoke that oppressed them. Brazilian historiography began to accept the thesis that slavery was not meek, as they wanted to make Gilberto Freyre's kind of essayists. Quite the contrary, she found Tenaz Resistance, permanent, sometimes faded, sometimes organized on the part of the slaves. Less studied have been the ways of the class of the Minor dealt with the problem of work and led the process of the abolition of slavery. It did, however, with a rigorous method, effectiveness in actions and deliberate purpose in defending its interests. Deblete from slavery Brazilian independence, as it is known, although not the compendiums, was performed under the auspices of England, as its recognition by other governments later. Tugal was linked to England for narrow bonds of economic and financial dependence and this dependence was transmitted to us. The Brazilian ruling class of the time, which presided over independence, performing it to the extent of its interests, had with the in glatern contradiction about the slave trade, could not give up the slave labor and resisted all the hangings British in this sense, even when such pressures generated Bill Aberdeen, an act of the government of London that allowed the boats of its flag to the hamstock of the ships in the Gloves, with confiscation of their human burden. In full capitalist expansion and in the process of extending to Africa its domination, England made every effort to
trafficking pension, which was a pioneer and monopolizing. Despite under the terms submitted to the economic treaties of 1810 and 1824, extremely costly to us, we do not give in to slave labor and African supplies. In 1844, Alves Branco began to review the policy of submission and established the rates that took their name and revived the franchise prior to English markets. The fare was much more fiscal than protectionist and pointed to a sense that was kept here through the times: to tax imports, whose burden is confused to the whole society, leaving free, or subsidizing, as in our day, a Export, whose profits are private to post sudors. In 1850, on the other hand, the Brazilian government extinguished the slave trade. The ruling class here, at the time of the “essential agricultural mind”, still had two forms of strength recruitment Slave labor: the domestic market, with the sale of slaves from some provinces to others, and biological reproduction. He would live thereafter from these two sources. But it would begin to make a problem seriously and pertinacia, therefore, to remain on the stage of discussions and reforms. In the second half of the nineteenth century, deep changes occur in the Brazilian production structure. They began, practice, with the Land Law of 1850, providing that the land would only be acquired by purchase, that is, it encompassed the land in the merged. It was one of the initial traits of capitalist relations in slow growth so relationships incompatible with slave labor. The balances in the foreign trade scale, which were constant at the time and thereafter, from the volume and value of the exported coffee, allowed accumulation and its growth, at the same step. That the domestic market, another cause of this growth, began a stage of expansion that would compete for it, even suffering the effects of the cyclical crises of world -scale capitalism, which periodically shaken the Brazilian economy, slowing its development. On the other hand, it is the moment when foreign investment starts and expands here, particularly the British, and take the external loans. Brazil presented itself as a promising area of capital application.
It is from this time the introduction here of the railroads, such as the te lipid and public services and transport, in which the English capitals were invested and earned major profits, always secured by Leonine contracts. In fact, Brazil modernizes and this modernization corresponded to the advance of capital relations. Now such relationships demanded the free labor force, that is, wage labor. Emergency solutions, then avenue, including Chinese immigration, were unviable. In Cafeeiras Novas areas, in the territorial expansion of the time, it encourages the highest profits, began to repair pressures by European immigration, with the financing established by the Pro Vitential Paulista Government. This funding, which the central government later maintained, made free work much cheaper than the slave's work. For various reasons - not the generic, as a mana science intends to establish - the performance of slave labor, beyond all, was lower than that of free work. Coincidentally, a crisis that pressured in the sense of emigration of the ponderable portion of workers expelled from the domestic market had emerged in Italy. Thus, when the nineteenth century approached the end, the work regime in Brazil, in the areas in development, would slowly sit in the free work of the immigrant, that is, in wage labor. As, in parallel, the domestic market developed, notably in the areas of wage labor, emerged consumer goods industries and the division were widened. It was a new society that emerged and, in it, the proletariat took the first steps. Until the 20th century, most of São Paulo workers were from foreigners. This shows how the passage of free work to free work has not happened here, but the replacement of that one with it. These transformations had a huge influence on the process of liquidation of slave labor. From one side, the area of free work expansion grew; On the other hand, the resistance of slaves to forced labor grew. This resistance had been evolving from mass leaks to the quilombos, from the previous historical phase, to the mass leaks for free work, whose doors, between so much, were closed to those from the senzalas. Therefore, the pressures to solve the work problem grew, and the ruling class was attentive to it.
Ending slave labor and replacing it with salaried work has become at the center of the worries of the pain and the politician legislature,-the issue of labor and its market becomes the central issue of development here of the pitalist relations that came being accelerated. But solutions, as it was natural and derived from unequal internal development, were not equally satisfactory. In the areas where territorially growing and expanding the crop of coffee and where industrial production was also beginning to grow, the pressures in the sense of free work were stronger and they had the most powerful political representation. The problem of the servile element, as it was said, was, of course, in the cogitations of the State Council since the fifty. The outbreak of the war with Paraguay deflected the attention and the problem was temporarily filed. With the end of the war, which corresponds to the founding of the Republican Party, that is, the contestation to the political regime itself, it Returns to the stage, and returns with the increasing pressures to her solution, and with the urgency that she covered herself. The war ended in 1870. In 1871, Paranhos presented the program that would be its flag of struggle in the imperative legislature. It was, as the main point, the issue of the servile element. The discussions were stormy because the resistances presented themselves and sought to create a climate of panic: the extinction of slave labor was presented as a threatening to the ruling class and even to the unity of the country. Paranhos, in the debates, sought to make it clear that his opponents are careless. He pointed out, vehemently, that the project of what was later known, as a Free Belly Law, aimed at the preacction of “ensuring the true and legitimate right of agrarian owners”. Perdigão Malheiro, in opposition, stated that, converted into law, the project would provoke civil war in the country. The violence of the debates was such that Paranhos was even accused of communist by opponents, which proves that modern anti -communists here are not even original. The project was not actually intended to ensure the freedom of slaves, but the authority of the masters. It was an important step towards the threat of the social framework on the one hand. and the needs of the ruling class, on the other, to establish
The political strategy to 'operate the dreaded transition to work li vre, that is, to wage labor, creating the labor market that economic expansion depended and that it needed, that the structure of current production required. But the Paranhos project contained an innovative trait: it inaugurated state intervention in the labor market, establishing conditions for its function. The law, in fact, reaffirmed the authority of you. He did not free the slaves, only established conditions for his lies. Births were declared free, but were under the care of their masters until the age of eight, when they would either receive the indemnity of six hundred thousand réis per head that released or remain with their possession until they were 21 years old. This was important to assure the owner that he could maintain the ownership of the births until 1892 - now, four years before that, slavery was extinguished, although it was not such an expected event, even less the deadline for its occurrence. The maneuver has always been, on the part of the ruling class, in the sense of delaying the end of slavery. She shook all the time between the need to settle slavery and the fear of liquidating it. The record of slaves, then created, to be established by law itself in 1872, was circumvented in every way. Official lacy, below, showed that private initiative read six times more slaves than the state and this proved that the liberation of slaves, at the time, was of interest to many if they intended to get rid of them. Rui Barbosa's testimony in 1884 showed that the resources of the emancipation fund had released less than 20,000 slaves; Although such appeals were elevated five times they would only release 120,000 slaves until the end of the century. In 1879, the state was once again intervened in the labor market and lowered the law that regulated the conditions of its operation. Without the knowledge of this law, the most important, in time, to the problem that was in the concern of all, is impossible to pretend how the ruling classes led the process and how they preserved their interests in its progress, as they always took care that the Legislation did not hurt those interests, but assured them. Legislation, over time, and even
Called abolition, protects you and not slaves. The act of 1879 established conditions with profound bonds with all the legislation linked to work, particularly the so -called Free Belly Law, dropped eight years earlier; This law affected the slaves, the freed and the free workers. In September 1885, a new measure would emerge, designed to follow the strategy for the creation of the labor market, the law said of freedom of the Sexagenaries. She established new rules for the registration of slaves, now demanding their age, increased the emancipation background and discriminated against the conditions for the liberation of the old slaves, in fact those who were already worthless for work. It is a very clear law in their positives: Sexagenary slaves would remain in possession of their masters for five years if these, the masters, opted for free work on their properties. The law forced the freedoms to reside for five years where they worked. The slaves of more than 65 years old were immediately released. The people over 60 were forced to work for another three years where they were. Both the 1879 service leasing law and that of the Free womb, as the Sexagenaries established the conditions for the extinction of slave labor in Brazil. They regulated the way the process was established; Abolition did not go into detail, so - everything was regulated. What is evident from the knowledge of this legislation is the fundamental concern of the ruling class in the creation of the work. There is no concern in it with the slaves; The legislator was worried about you and not with the slaves. Freeing sexagenaries, really, and proclaiming such a position as benefits is to suppose that people have lost their reasoning of reasoning. But it was the post -posts, and particularly a clothing historiography, which made the legislation of the time a edifying theme, mystifying the problem. The collapse of the Slab Visery corresponded to a historical necessity, corresponded to the advance of capitalist relations. A new society in history has to consider very attentive, stage by step, what is known as a political area, that is. the space
occupied by those who participate in political struggles. This partner can be conscious or not. Now, in the early nineteenth century, historically, reality put two fundamental problems on the political stage, that of autonomy and freedom. Except for exceptional, the dominated classes, slaves and servants did not participate in the political area and, therefore, the struggles that were crashed in it. Participation began with the urban elements read to the mercantile layer and the small bourgeoisie. Decisions emanated from the ruling class. It was the social conditions of the country that allowed the control of the political process to the ruling class of gentlemen. It has established the limits that contained the process of autonomy. Excluded from them the problem of freedom. Thus was articulated the structure of the Empire, imposed to meet the interests of the dominated class and to stop any tendency to change. The monarchy portrayed the conditions under which that structure, with collared roots, was established. The stormy period in which autonomy was processed, in fact, in reality, with the conjures of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, made social contradictions emerge. When the nineteenth century entered its second half, the process stratified, in the coup of majority, establishing the great lines that Brazilian society presented, - a only one in which resistance to change would become a characteristic feature. The autonomy was here, therefore, a company of the ruling class, under the auspices of England, with which, however, Brazil would have two contradictions: the tariffs and that of slave trade. The first was resolved from the renovation of Alves Branco; If Gunda was resolved with the law that extinguished trafficking in 1850. The contradictions, from there, develop at the levels of the inch and investments-but such contradictions encompass only the Brazilian people because the ruling class is associated with English pre-imperialism. British politics aimed at the market. OUR OURS OUR Since the 1810 and 1824 agreements, penetration has been sought after the early nineteenth century in the platinum market. The ruling class in Brazil inherits, therefore, from the colonial face, the so-called “platinum question”, making us instruction of British pressures in silver.
The second half of the nineteenth century does not only signal the conjunction of Brazilian institutions, with the Bragantina Monarchy, also points out a series of economic and financial changes. Penetration railroads arise, always to meet the transportation of raw materials from the interior to the coast, intended for export, railways in which English capitals find wide field of application. Public services arise, with urban development, from gas to gas, to light, to the telegraph. The time points out changes particularly in two sense: the increase in volume and production value, particularly coffee, and the development of the domestic market, two meanings that conflict the resulting growth in the rhythm of accumulation and capitalist relations. Brazil now has two faces, that of a country in modernization, with these changes, and that of an archaic country, with production relations in compatible with development. The agitations linked to this new pace is that they lead to the institutional reforms of the end of the century. When production growth increasingly generates amounts of wealth that become capital, it also generates significant reforms in the labor market, generating wage labor. They are conjugated processes, but the first is primarily and then properly follows the second. The acceleration of rhythm in this impulse to change presents to society new demands of change. Hence the so -called end of the century, developed in a climate of agitation that announces contrasts and changes. The legislation portrays this climate and defines the changes. They now affect the problem of freedom, set aside in the phase of autonomy. Brazil from the late century is completely different from Brazil from the early nineteenth century, which is still so impregnated with everything that had defined the colonial regime. The changes, in their acceleration, generate a crisis, dotted by the issues that appear on the political stage. The crisis represents the contradiction between content and form, the content that changes define, and the form defined by the institutional structure. Hence changes such as the collapse of slavery and that of the advent of the Republic - the first step towards the development of capitalist relations in Brazil.
The bourgeois revolution in Brazil one day, participating in seminar in one of our united versions, I came across the statement, made by one of the teachers present, holder of a chair of history, that there was nothing to discuss about the passage of society's passage Brazilian to the capitalist stage. For him - and affirmed this categorically - capitalism in Brazil dated from the colonial stage had always existed. My surprise was identical to what I had felt, many years ago, in Portuguese examination, when a student stated that the word here was a verb and urged to conjugate it in the present indicative, did not hesitate, reciting: me here, you, you, He there, we in front, you behind, in the middle. For heresy, not to say the cumped, was of the same carat. If Brazil had been capitalist since the sixteenth century - a statement placed as indisputable - it was amazing that we had studied the French Revolution, episode and process of the eighteenth century, or the English revolution, whose first stage dated the seventeenth century. We, in Brazil, were capitalists before the French and the English. Consequently, our bourgeoisie was a ruling class in the colonial phase and also preceded her to the French bourgeoisie and the English bourgeoisie. The fact would be at the anecdote level if the thesis was not sponsored and defended by notorious and eminent figure of national education, which was tambling to affirm it. It was not, therefore, the product of the imagination of the young teacher, who had only repeated her, putting her the emphasis of her presumption in knowledge. No. She was grounded, and solidly, in a historical conception that was imposed as indisputable and dragged on the chair-made chairs of the spirit of thousands of young people, who cited it because they came from those nominated to guide them. I have nothing with such a teaching. It is the right of each, at the level of teaching history in our country, to adopt and disseminate concepts and categories to their taste. What is obvious is that such concepts and categories will be part of Marxis Mo, and particularly the main thesis: Brazilian capitalism dates from the colonial phase. What seems wrong to me is that such an absurdity
Dade pass through Marxism. And this is largely due to the fact that one of those who adopted it was a Marxist. This reminded me of the curious clarification of a certain European master: not all who claim to be Marxists really are. Marx wrote that not every black man is a slave and not every good is capital, in historical terms. Not all money amount, therefore, represents capital. To function as capital, in Turally, it depends on the existence of certain historical conditions. As the amount of money can occur at any historical stage, as the money is very old, in the form of currency, from one moment it became easy to confuse an amount of money with capital as society has known it and defined it at a certain stage of historic development. Since the exchange required, to its ease, the use of the Moe of Da, the money wealth made its appearance. If the currency-money, as it is common to know it-is very old, the same is not true of capital, for whose appearance one of the necessary premises-but not the only one, far from it-is the existence of a particular amount of money. Capital is actually a historical category. Appears when certain conditions exist and generate this category. Such conditions occur at different times for each country or nation. They do not occur at the same time in all of them. And they do not occur because historical development is unequal: it is the law of unequal development. Some areas know the capitalist stage before others: England before France, France long before Brazil, for example. When capital appeared, money had existed for centuries. The most ostensive form of wealth was, for a long time, the possession of a lot of money. In fact, the truly rich not without PRE had much money - they had great properties. In the historical stages prior to capital, large properties of land or real estate. The notorious wealth, however, was the one that was constituted in money. That It resulted largely from commercial development. Performing trade, determined people accumulated increasing amounts of money wealth. These amounts were called commercial capital. Others, using the amount of money they had, made loans and charged interest for such loans. Were consistent with the exercise of this function: they became holders of the
Usurious capital. Commercial capital and usurory capital were forms prior to the emergence of capital as modern society came to know it. Were pre-capitalist forms of capital. That is, ways in which the amount of money, even large, did not function as capital, was not capital. Since commerce and usury developed in many areas and old days, these pre-capitalist forms of capital were largely known before the appearance of capitalism. They were known, for example, in feudal society, from which, in some areas, the capitalist society emerged. Commercial capital and usurity capital corrore the feudal society, disaggregated their ties, destroyed, in certain areas. In others, they lived with her. Let us move from general to private: in the sixteenth century, when Brazil was “discovered”, Portugal was one of the countries in which the commercial capital had widely developed and, to a lesser extent, the usurer capital. Portuguese society was feudal, but one of the characteristics of its feudalism was precisely in the great presence and function of it of commercial capital. The large navigations, the ocean navigations, were companies of Capital CO MERCIAL. At the same time, in other European countries, these pre-capitalist forms of capital existed and expanded, highlighting the Netherlands. Portuguese mercantilism, at the highlighted avant -garde, at the time, enabled the great advance of the sciences linked to nautical, particularly the orientation in the high sea, the shipbuilding and the cartography. In the broad frame of maritime expansion, Brazil's “discovery” was at first inserted as a smaller episode. Ahead, the need for that expansion created the conditions for what was conventionally known as a “colonization”. The company of the “discovery” of Brazil was the task of Portuguese commercial capital. The Brazilian colonization company was also a task of that capital and Dutch capital. Colonial Brazil, consequently, knew only commercial capital. It was the work of commercial capital. Slavery as we know of vulgar history, the company of “colonization” - company of commercial capital - was only possible with the
Implementation of African slavery. The elements necessary for this company had all external origin: the material resources, behaving what I called “initial investment”, came from the Portuguese and Dutch commercial capital; The work was provided by African slaves; And the plant itself, the sugarcane, originated from India, then transferred to the Lush Islands of the Atlantic. The land - an indispensable production factor - was extensive and had no history of possession, since the indigenous did not know the property. It was available and did not enter the costs of production. The human elements brought to the company's assembly and to make it work brought different cultures from each other and in relation to the primitive inhabitant. At the social level, the Indian lived in a primitive community, Luso came from feudal relations and the African originated from tribal communities in their greatest pair. Luso feudalism was in the process of weakening, precisely by the development of commercial capital - it was an epo of mercantilism. The merger, with a large -scale employment of physical coercion, such as such different elements, to assemble a large company, using appreciable techniques, enabled by the stage of European manufacturing, marks clear traces in the colonial society: Feudalism Portuguese of the legislation and customs of the ruling class of the masters and the minimum of state apparatus then installed coexisted with slavery and with the indigenous tribal community. The legislation was one thing, reality was something else. This coexistence of straight values is in the cradle of a society whose majority was planted. Thus, from the earliest days they appear and developed, influencing each other, sometimes violently, but diverse, generating mixed categories over time. The story here was fundamentally the contradictory process of difficult coexistence. The indigenous natural community had a relatively small influence on this process. Slavery and feudalism, however, played in him a highlighted role. With regard to this one there was, from the outset, differentiating and peculiar trait: the earth had no prior assignments. Another original factor was in the binding to the world market. The slave and the sugar would soon become the main goods in this process of linking
Cado. Colonial production would be mounted under the mentally fundamental premise of being intended for this market: it was facing the extension. Now the world market, at the time, began to generate the conditions of passage from one mode of production, the feudal, to another, the capitalist. Colonial exploration would set up, from the outset - such as the activity of slave trade - one of the most powerful factors for this historical process of transition. The mode of production would not assume, at first, autonomous character. It is necessarily integrated into the formation of capitalism in a mun dial scale, and preliminarily perform in the European West. More than that: it became one of the forms of what I became known as primitive accumulation. The colony was placed since its early days in the strict dependence on the foreign market: in a market in which world capitalism was generated, it produced goods-at first, sugar-based on pre-capitalist production relations. He was not capitalist, but constituted a source of accumulation for ascending capitalism. And this was only possible, precisely, by virtue of the visually installed since the beginning of colonization, surpassed the protohistoric phase of the barter of the redwood. There were therefore three historical levels that adjusted for this: the European feudalism in which Brazilian capitalism and slavery was generated with the feudalism brought from metropolitan society. The contemporary times of these three regimes, which competed to range the largest commercial company of time, presents, from the outset, as one of the most complex singularities that history has known. And marks the complexity, which extends in time, of a society in which the limits between the three regimes - feudalis, slavery, capitalism - become inaccurate and retain this inaccuracy through centuries. Although the traces of the legislation that the pole imposes on the colony is feudal is feudal, it is slavery that constitutes the foundation and core of the producing system installed since the sixteenth century. Colonization did not create African slavery. She preceded her, appearing in the metropolitan area, precisely in the south, from where the Arab had been expelled last, and on the Atlantic Islands, where the Portuguese sugar production took the first steps. He enabled, however, the colonization. Without slavery, it would not have reached the position it has known since the sixteenth century: Africa slavery
It created the colonization, making it possible. As manufacturing, in time, colonial slavery emerged and developed due to the demand of the expanding world market. Extemphone in the historical process - if there is extemporaneity in history - colonial slavery presented important differences in relation to classical slavery, which had emerged from the disaggregation of primitive common. As has been observed, classical slavery was a generalized regime; Colonial slavery was limited in space in certain colonial areas. In classical slavery there was necessarily, of course, correspondence between infra and superstructure; This did not happen in colonial slavery. The most significant of differences, however, because it appears to yes ples observation, is that colonial slavery marked the slave with the label of color, confusing skin color and race - in the usual concept - as a social relationship. Of course, it is, however, that it cannot suffer a doubt in the historical analysis, that the colonial regime knew a form of slavery, was established on a form of distinct slavery from the original and classic, as it is distant in time, in time Another historical stage, therefore. Admitting colonial slavery as an autonomous form, as a new mode of production, is evident misconception, strange confusion between the general and the particular, the general as a concept of mode of production and the particular as the way it presented in different areas of the world and at different Mentos of historical development. Classic slavery naturally arose from the decomposition of the primitive community regime, when the historical process presented the possibility of work exploitation and came the class society, while colonial slavery emerged as a consequence of a European historical process, as a product collateral of the formation of Pitalism. The indigenous natural community, by contrast, never evolved into slavery. The enslavement of the Indian, which was cundarial in the colony, did not result, when it occurred, of such evolution, but was imposed by violence. Slavery, therefore, made colonization possible, in the way it presented itself, different from the shape of the village colonies, and, more than that, and consequently, proved high efficiency. This efficiency resulted in an accumulation that the worker was not only excluded that created wealth, as
the absolute majority of the colonial population. While accumulation was operating abroad, the colony accumulated a population of a permanent, stripped of means of production, but also of freedom. Slave labor products were only realized as goods abroad. The growth of production had no fluency in the domestic market, virtually inexpressive, and did not even contribute to it to emerge or develop. The possibility of reproducing in the colony the dominant feudal mode of production in the metropolis, as early as it was demonstrated, created the conditions for the implementation of African slavery, I already knew from it and that had experience. At the same time, the impossibility of the transformation of indigenous people into pending pending pendants became clear. The need for a large quantity workforce, since the early days, has as its natural solution slavery. The Portuguese anticipated other peoples in the use of Africans' work under slavery and thus set up the colonial producing company with its intensive use. This intensive use mattered to take from the slave very large mass of supplementary work, as well as the appropriation of much of the indispensable work. In the late 16th century, the production company was set up in which profit was provided with the exploitation of slave labor and exceeded the costs of here and maintenance of the slave. Brazilian colonial slavery thus presented high profitability. But it did not accumulate in Brazil. For some, this profit at the end of the sixteenth century exceeded one hundred percent per year. It was a brutal rate. Even considering the initial investment, 1 that reproduced in each particular case, expended with the equipment of the mill, the buildings, the 1 1 “It was, for the grantee, of initially costly investment, which forced some to admit partners, charter ships, recruit the most diverse elements; Displacing materials, facing a period of grace period, while there was no production, satisfy, besides. The demands of the crown, although reduced. [...] First, it is a difficult, costly, non -seductive company: it forces the mobilization of resources that, in certain cases, are the result of eastern exploitation; This mobilization forces the sale of pro -prieties, the association to third parties, the use of loans "(Nelson Werneck Sodré: historical formation of Brazil (12. Edition, Rio de Lanciro, 1987), p. 67).
Animals, the few specialized workers and, of course, slaves.2 The simple duration of Brazilian slavery shows the importance it had in our economic and social formation. Its three centuries - more than that, rigorously - have, however, have sometimes significant changes in the regime. The main one was undoubtedly the difference between the forms of slavery in the initial agricultural area, the northeastern, and those that presented in the mining area or, to a lesser extent, in the area of Southern Charque, or even in the coffee area . It is not here the place to analyze these different forms of slavery. They retain, and that is what has importance, slavery in their essential traits. For their characterization, the differences imported little, because they always marked slaves as suppliers of the entire labor force needed to production. In the mill, particularly in the plantations, as in mines, such as in the Sulina Resort, as in Minas Gerais and Paulistas farms, as in Maranhão cotton, slavery, in end, was the same. In all, it constituted the basis of production: without slavery, these forms of production, the creation of colonial and later wealth would not have existed or would not pass from minor episode. In the historical sense, finally, slavery was the fundamental element in the process of flow of income abroad, which was the clearest trait of colonial exploitation. The long predominance of slavery, on the other hand, with its corollary, the lack of capital, although as commercial capital, due to the evasion of income abroad, responded for the physical and moral degrading of the working population, in view of its wild exploration , as by stagnation in production techniques, using only the most primitive work instruments. The statement, which became common for the repetition of some of the lady, that Brazilian slavery was meek, finds no confirmation in reality. Only for being slavery as a natural and intrinsic condition, she was wild. This analysis, which - the slave was probably the most expensive portion of the initial investment. In the sugar slave large estate, the status was not linked to the extent of the land possessed, even on several properties, but to the number of possessed slaves.
reveals a class trait, distances itself from reality, and grows in falsehood when it denies the prolonged and ingencing Slave effort for freedom: Brazilian history, in its vulgar content, forgets the struggles of slaves. In the background, this kind of analysis - still important in university education - belongs to ancient tendency to preserve archaic forms of economic, social, political and ideological organization, ensuring long duration to the sites that slavery generated and conservatism maintains. Slavery, after all, left deep groove in Brazilian culture and not just in the country's material structure. The resistance of slavery itself to change this trait: Brazil remained slave until the late nineteenth century, when capital, on a world scale, reached its last stage, with imperialism. The unequal development law presents in this anomaly one of its most glaring examples. Feudalism but Brazilian historical formation does not only show the unfortunate importance of slavery in our society, in the three years and so many years of its troubled existence. This importance really obscures, leaves in the shadow, everything else. Because the colonization, as an occupation of the territory, was broad and C slave was not present in all colonial areas. In fact, slavery of the first two centuries, having been rehearsed at La Gamar Santista, expanded early on the Northeast and Recônca Vo Bahia, then passed to the South Center altiplanes, with mining, and from there To the Fluminense lands, to the Paraíba Valley, he wins the interior of São Paulo, besides repainting in the areas of Maranhão cotton and the tax zone of Lagoa dos Patos where the beef was relief. In other areas, always secondary to the time of slavery, he did not appear or not predominated - did not give the meaning. But territorial expansion continued and created settlement areas and economic activity, though much lower, throughout the historical time. In the mid -eighteenth century, when Brazil defined the master lines of its geographical configuration, established in the Treaty of Madrid, the colony was constellation of dispersed areas, each with its own
Faces, and already showed that aspect of archipelago that capitalism inherited here and which was one of its obstacles. Brazilian historiography has unveiled the characterization of these areas; He simply listed their appearance and evolution by the serialization of the facts that they were scenarios. They were not slave areas, of course. But not being slaves, what were they, what defined them and characterized? Historiography, here, cannot erase the existence of slavery, not being able to deny it, serves as unique devices. The last of them, not always ordeal, has been to qualify it, to differentiate it from ancient slavery, said classic, so well known from Greek history and Roman history, with the favorite qualification of “colonial slavery, erected in mode of production different from the slave mode of production. It is not necessary to analyze this way of confusing what exists at the conceptual level - slavery - with what was just one of its concrete and particular cases. Regarding the secondary areas of occupation of the territory, where non-slave forms arose, historiography, however, omits. Omit yourself to analyze these forms and to classify them according to the mode of production they presented and the forms of social organization they generated. But, as a scholar wrote, “the colonization of the country began by the attempt to rebuild the feudal mode of production and their forms of political and social organization.” 3 The same author confirms, “in a way Generally, the colonization system retained many feudal traits. In particular, the land was provided in the framework of the Portuguese institution of Sesmarias, characteristic of the period of advanced feudalism. ” 4 It is an explicit placement of the existence of feudalism in the Brazilian historical process. Question Con- 3 The Brazilian colonial company was only possible for the investment in it of enslaved labor and large figure. Without African slavery, it would have been unfeasible. As a contemporary essayist wrote: “Therefore, the colonization of the country began with the attempt to reconstruct in its territory the feudal mode of production and the respective forms of political and social organization. [...] Generally speaking, the colonization system retained many feudal traits ”(A. Karaev, Brazil. Past and present of“ peripheral capitalism ”(Moscow, 1987), p. 25). 4 A. Karaev, Op. Cit., P. 25.
Troversa, since a prestigious historian, a pioneer of the Marxist historian in Brazil, had argued this thesis in arranging.5 It is not possible to deny that production relations in colonial secondary areas were feudal. The slave area, which replied the core of colonization, where the population was more nume pink and the most Importantly, it was, in fact, surrounded by vast areas of extensive livestock, when livestock separated from agriculture.6 The conquest of the so -called backlands - conquest accompanied by occupation, not only limited to the temporary internal, but not in the Indian hunting cycle in the flag- was held at the base of livestock. It was the expansion of the breeding, distancing themselves from the agricultural area and the mills near the Lio Torral or staggered along the small northeastern rivers, which enabled the devasation of the interior. In these huge areas being tanejas, by virtue of cultural heritage but also by virtue of 5 “and that is what they did and still do certain pseudomarxists, without even realizing it, when they prefix a feudal stage to every country that existed to any country In Europe preceding capitalism, and that this capitalism resulted or that happened. [...] It was assumed, from the outset and without further question that, in Brazil, capitalism was preceded by a feudal phase, and that the remains of this phase were still present in the present time [...] the fact, However, it is that Brazil has nothing that legitimately can be conceptualized as 'feudal remains'. Were it not for other reason, at least because, in order to have 'remains', there would be by virtue of pre -existing a 'feudal' system that these remains would be the remaining leftovers. Now, such a feudal, semi -feudal, or even simply appeared to feudalism system in its own meaning, never existed among us, and as much as the Brazilian history is faded, it is not found ”(Caio Prado Júnior, the Brazilian Revolution ( Sao Paulo, 1966), pp. 43 and 51). 0 “Pastoral expansion in that area crossed three phases: the neighborhood, the coexistence and the separation between agricultural and pastoral activities [...] in this first phase: cattle and crop they get on the same property. , the corral is the backyard of the mill; The ingenuity lord is the owner of cattle and crop [. . . ] The second phase begins when the separation between the mill and the corral is generalized [...] the said phase marks the following changes: the agricultural property from pastoral prison and is internal, bordering, however, the areas agricultural glues; While separate the activities, the owner of cattle is still the lord of mill [. . . ] The third phase arises with the breaking of the latest coexistence ties between the two activities, the agricultural and Pas Toril. The separation between them is complete. Livestock wins the backlands ”(Nelson Werneck Sodré, Op. Cit., Pp. 122-123).
Endogenous conditions, feudal relations have established themselves from the times when slavery, installed with colonization, emerged and developed. Thus, surrounding the slave area, whose proof, facing abroad, could not escape the oceanic dependence, the feudal area, particularly livestock, emerged. These two areas had contact on the borders in which they were prevented. The feudal area lived very close to the natural economy and the little it needed and everything it provided was obtained or transferred to the slave area. Such a situation has been defined since the early days, to the time, and extended and even attentive to the decay Açu Carreira. With the slavery of mining, the area of feudal livestock has intensified relationships since such an area appeared. In the episode of Maranhão cotton, slavery and feudalism again coexists and have been coming. But it was not only in these areas - Northeast, Recôncavo Baia no, Maranhão, Altiplano Minerator - that this neighborhood of diverse production came up. They only characterized the viral. In other areas, feudal relations, dominant or absolute, were unaware of this seemingly strange neighborhood. This happened in the Vicentine area, from Lagamar Santista to the Piratiningan Altiplane, hence extending into the slate areas, in the meant where they were incorporated into the Portuguese or ravaged dominance and occupied by the bandeirantes and their descendants. Livestock in it developed, and which would serve both the Bandeirante expansion and mining, set its feudal traits early. They also appeared in neighboring areas of mining companies, in Goiás and Mato Grosso. As they appeared in the Amazonian area in which, practiced, slavery was never dominant. In territorial extension, the added feudal areas were much larger than the slave seen areas, but their population was much smaller. In general, they lived isolated, mixing feudal relationships and natural economy. Feudal relationships- sometimes mingled with slaves. The owner of the mill was sometimes owner of large extensions of the interior, obtained from feudal law, and holder, for all reasons, of manorial privileges. Feudal nature was also the political and administrative structure that the metropolis installs lara.7 This was repeated in the Maranhão Algodoeiro episode: 7 A. Karaev, op. cit., P. 36.
The main workforce of the cotton, which produced on all for export, were the tenants forced to compensate for the land they had received for personal enjoyment working a certain number of days in the plantation of the Lord of the earth. In the first half of the nineteenth century, this form of work organization, which reminds us of Russian batchina, also spread through the northeast [sugar] zone. [...] The tenants also had other obligations regarding the lords of the earth. For example, they were required to fix roads, clean dams etc. Many of them were also indebted to the landlords, that is, they were practically reduced to the condition of servants.8 The name that appears most in the Brazilian maps of the earlier regions is that of Tapera, that is, ruin. This name sadly points out one of the most characteristic phenomena in the history of our country: the territorial march of wealth. There are numerous cases in Brazil, sometimes extensive areas that know periods of prosperity, sometimes long, discarding later, with a prolonged decline: wealth has passed by, left material traces even, in certain cases, not to mention the cultural traces. The populations follow this inexorable decay. It is a start and starting incessant. This is not about nomadism, even in livestock, but a terrible condemnation that defines as non -fixed or stable the activities developed in an afterwards. This permanent effort of construction, this repeated renewal, shows how extraordinary the work of our people was to operate the exploitation of the land and to ensure its subsistence. Now, at every moment when the decay of one area obliged its settlers to transfer each other, or even in cases where, remaining in it, they have had different ways of work and conditions of existence, they also changed the fundamental pieces of the material base and even elements of importance of the superstructure. This occurred sharply when sugar slavery and mining slavery entered the process of decay, with the displacement of the center of GDtil of the economy to the Rio de Janeiro and Paulista area where coffee appeared as new hope and soon a realized one 8 A. Karaev, op. cit., P. 37.
new expansion cycle. In these vast areas previously slave, in which slavery had enabled economic development, thus emerging and dominating unmistakable feudal relations. They are material and culturally in order: “The prestige of each lord of the land depended on the amount of men he could use at any time and for any end. As a result, the rock of the subsistence economy, although not linked by land ownership, was tied by social bonds to a group, within which the mystique of fidelity was cultivated to the chief as a technique of preservation of the social group. ” 9 Social relations between free people, in the large estates that gave the configuration of the occupation of the land, had a FLA FLOFLY FEUVERY OF UNFUISION OF UNFUISION. The struggles for the purposes of the earth, the struggles of families, the political struggles, the whole plot of country violence, generating banditry such as fanaticism, rigorously portray this feudal picture that fiction then collected in some important creations. In one of the number of the Pernambuco Daily of 1856, the situation of the worked residents of the area was thus defined: “In the land of the great owners, they [the farmers] do not enjoy political rights, because they have no freedom of opinion: to They, the great owner is the police, the court, the administration, in a pale, everything, and, apart from the right to abandon it, the condition of these infections in no way differs from the medieval servants. ” 1 0 1 1 The expansion of bonds with external markets, in the ascension phase of slave areas, in which violence was in the character of the regime, in the south of decay, in another form, in the form of feudal relations. It was the process I called FEU DAL regression, regression because development followed the backwardness, on the trill of what natural evolution admitted. In this, feudalism, in relation to slavery, was advancement; Here, marked the delay.1 1 9 A. Karaev, op. cit., P. 37. 1 0 Diary of Pernambuco, Recife, 18-06-1856. 1 1 The uniqueness of the passage of feudalism to slavery in Brazil has presented physiognomy entirely different from what had happened in the European tooth, whose history came to us, it was appreciated by me as regression precisely because it corresponded to an economic decay. Thus, the most advanced mode of production, in the Brazilian case,
In fact, to confuse scholars and to force them to reason with the dialectic, General of the models of the European tooth to the particular of the Brazilian concrete case, the ways in which the production and even culture presented themselves were always mixed, not well defined, never a total and finished reproduction of the consecrated models. Not to mention the areas that lived in natural economy - beyond the indigenous people - others had to retain the most late forms of the savings of subsishes, and third parties had the degradation of slave forms in feudal. A scholar thus situated this heterogeneity: along with the main slave regime, which determined the aspect of the country's social regime, in Brazil there were other pre-capitalist regimes that were, as a rule, very primitive and based on production relations that,, From the socio-economic point of view, they were not very clear or accurate. This is the primitive community regime (indigenous tribes in the interior); of the natural-patriarchal slave regime (certain agricultural and livestock economies of São Paulo, Maranhão and some other regions of the Northeast in the 16th centuries); of the natural-patriarchal regime of the small peasant (peasants, lap in the coastal regions of Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, as well as the first German settlers in the south of the country in the 17th centuries); From the semi -feudal regime (farms and resorts of the Northeast, the South and Minas Gerais, subsistence and seminarial ownership economies in the danger of the slave system) etc.1 2 Of course, here did not force the classic European forms, particularly feudal, and The miscellany of them is the most merged the historian: "All the main economic regimes, which had been qualified as semi -feudal, had a strong mixture." 1 3 Important aspect, as a rule, was the marked negative influence that slavery and feudalism exerted on the development of Brazilian society. If we analyze this, it corresponded, in certain areas, to an unambiguous decay. “The phenomenon of transition from vast areas previously slave to a regime characterized by servitude or semi-service is possible in Brazil by the pocability of land” (Nelson Werneck Sodré, op. Cit., P. 247). 1 2 A. Karaev, op. cit., P. 43. 1 3 A. Karaev, op. cit., P. 44.
Fluency for its effects not only in individuals but beginning in society, we will find its weight in the long -term manor tradition that presides over political and employment relations, such as family relations, which are fundamentally, in institutional development, in the forms of culture transmission, Still the academic and even scientific and artistic. That weight clutched and corrupted customs, intoxicated the social environment of depths and lasting prejudices, corresponded to a factor of inertia whose effects were permanent and came to our time, so that even individuals from the ruling classes retain cos tumes and patterns of conduct of the uncultivated and late. Of all this were victims, in our society, the woman and the child, but especially those whose contribution to society was that of work. Slavery and feudalism infamous work, in fact, and this crossed the centuries, reaching the capitalist stage of our historical development. Capitalism in the nineteenth century, the fifth after the colonization and the effectiveness of this disturbing coexistence of so many forms of production and its arising from culture, here appeared conditions for the emergence of capitalist relations and a only structure in which the bourgeoisie passed to be the ruling class and to scrove the state apparatus. The changes that defined this process, in a society like the one whose main traits were previously summarized, can be defined globally as revolutionary. This is what you can know as a bourgeois revolution in Brazil. In that promiscuous womb, in which there were such diverse and contradictory forms, the changes started in the nineteenth century began to emerge and grow. Facing the massive and tenacious resistance, sometimes monolithic of ancient, particularly the colonial relations, capitalist relations have suffered an uneven, unequal, almost always slow development. Their set constituted the revolution that would model, and is modeling, contemporary Brazil. However, it is appropriate for greater clarity, particularly considering the complexity of the process in the specific case of the Brazilian
Sil, discuss, albeit in a summary way, some concepts. Their first is the most general - the concept of revolution. The word has been used over time, here and out here, with different meaning. In most cases, it denounces change, almost always violent, almost always holding armed struggle, in the position of power. In rare cases, its use shows very restricted meaning - revolution is the passage of a mode of production to another. The usual understanding, conditioned by the weaknesses of knowledge and the teaching of history in our country, knows the revolution as a decisive fact, as it were suddenly, resulting from the action of a particular character or some characters, marked by a date or even by A significant episode: the French Revolution, for example, became known for the fall of Bastille; It was this event that marked the divider separating the past from the future, before the revolution and after the revolution. For Brazilians, to mention another example, although not revolutionary, but of significant change, independence is known and summarized in the scream of Ipiranga: before, we were colony, then we have autonomy. Of course, such a conception of the historical process is proper to the layman. Just the elementary knowledge of history to know that the French Revolution, which began before 1789 and completed much later, had in the Bastille fall an event that only became symbolic, but was just secondary. And Brazilians know, when they have a clearer idea of history, that Brazil's independence process began with the Minas Gerais and Bahian conjures, with the Pernambuco rebellion of 1817, and was completed, at the political and administrative level, with adulthood, Integrating, therefore, the regency. And that, after all, it is an ongoing process. An orthodox conception of revolution is those presented by the small philosophical dictionary, by Rosanta and Iudin: Revolution is “radical change in the life of society, which leads to the defeat of the expression of the expressive regime, transfers a new regime, transfers the power of the hands of a (reactionary) class at the hands of another (progressive) class. ”1 4 The entry is long; condemns the conception of the revolution as Casuali 1 4 M. Rosanta and P. Iudin, small philosophical dictionary (São Paulo, 1959), p. 501.
It shows that “it is a necessary step in the development of society”, emphasizes the connection between productive forces and production relations, shows that the crucial problem of revolution is state power and emphasizes that “revolution is the superior form of the struggle of Classes ”.1 5 Dictionnaire Économique et Social, organized by Maurice Bouvier-Ajam, Jésus Ibarrola and Nicolas Pasquarelli, to define Industrial Revolution and Scientific Revolution and Technical Revolution, defines social revolution as“ radical change in political superstructure, institutional, legal and ideological of a society, which aims to profoundly alter the economic and social structure of this society, establishing in it the correspondence between production relations and productive forces. ” Revolution is not an accidental phenomenon, but it results from the development of the material conditions of life of society and its own internal contradictions, showing, as Marx wrote, that the objective economic cause of the social revolution is the conflict between new productive forces and The ancient relations of production that entered the development of those, stems from the class struggle, places in the center the power of the state and, finally, that not all social revolutions have the same character, which depends on the class that ascends to power and relations of production that are established with it. Qualifying this kind of change as a social revolution, it is clear that it admits the existence of another or other types of revolution. For the purposes we propose, it is clear that the revolution - and the social is what it is - it is important to solve the contradiction between the development of productive forces and the development of production relations, it results from the class struggle, it puts it as Central Problem The issue of power, follows a process and does not result from casualities and emerges as a necessary step in the development of society. This is the general and theoretical conception. But it matters to us, as it is the essential theme of this study, the bourgeois revolution, that is, the economic, social and political change that, by the south of the class struggle, placed the bourgeoisie in power and allowed it, through the control of the state, Make the necessary changes 15 ibidem, p. 502. 16 Dictionnaire Économique et Social, organized for CERM by Maurice Bouvier-Ajam, Jésus Ibarrola and Nicolas Pasquarelli (Paris, 1975), p. 587.
restoring the adequacy between new productive forces and production relations. To top it off: We are interested in studying how this happened in the particular case of Brazil. The Burial Burial Revolution in Brazil, therefore, is the process of change that, due to the development of productive forces, the development of capitalist relations, allowed the bourgeoisie to become the ruling class and introduce the necessary superstructural relations for the preservation and development of your class interests. Consequently it is to understand how, in the belly Miscuit of those productive, generating and maintaining forces of old production relations, new progress forces began to emerge and how they, in their development, were able to give power and establish new production relations, which allowed the preservation of their class interests, confuses them with that of the whole nation, as if those of all classes were attended by them. It is evident that, in the historical process, the bourgeoisie first emerges, and grows, and then its struggle for power arises and, finally, its revolution - the Brazilian bourgeois revolution. For this, it is necessary to know how the capitalist relations arose and developed in our society; How, from the slave and feudal secular past, these new products emerged, in contradiction with those forms of mastery of power. In the end, this is the examination of how the commercial capital here because the usurer was smaller - it became capital, how it works in a capitalist regime of production. It is not just about checking the productive forces developed, despite the brakes established by the slave and feudal antecedents, but how they have changed quality. As they have passed the quantitative growth at the qualitative level. Capitalism presupposes, for its appearance, that two conditions are satisfied: 1) accumulation of richness of a certain mono; 2) Accumulation of labor force separate from the means of production. The first condition generates capital; The second generates wage labor. Without wage labor there is no capitalism, by definition. Where the labor force is that of the slave, himself a commodity, or where the labor force is partially granted by the servant, there is no capitalism. Capital, as said by Marx, is a relationship - a historical relationship. To study the emergence of capitalism in Brazil, it is necessary to study, because, how
Wealth grew here and then, as this wealth, in a certain stage of the historical process, became capital. Studying, then, how the work here became salaried, after being supplied by the slave and the servant. To define these two terms of the equation, we will start with the first: the quantitative development of wealth. The process of Brazilian independence, at the political and administrative level, developed from the late eighteenth century to the second of the nineteenth century. With the beginning of this, renovations begin to appear, conditioned by the growth of coffee agriculture, with the prices on the rise in the foreign market. Such reforms add up and translate the existence of a new framework in the country. The first of these was the tax reform of Alves Branco, from the purposes of the first half of the century. It is the inaugural sign of the passage of a prolonged historical phase, defined by the flow of income abroad, in a characterized colonial economy, to a phase, which begins shyly, of decline in this flow of income abroad and advancement of its internal accumulation . The Land Law of 1850 establishes conditions in which the earth is part of the market: it translates the growth of export agriculture and gives meaning and defines it as a class to its owners. The earth is now the status measure, no longer the number of slaves. In 1850, on the other hand, the Brazilian state accepts the abolition of trafficking ne Grere, kept so far and since the beginning of the century, despite the British pressure. At the beginning of the second half of the century, on the other hand, the country's material structure is important: railroads, steam transport, roads, urban public services that give new physiognomy to cities, the first industries. It is the time when investments in slave trade are beginning to be transferred to the expansion of crops but also to the springs,-it is the time when men like Gieiro and mainly how Mauá stand out for their own. The circulating medium grows, the bank capital covers it to appear in the transactions. On the other hand, it is the time when the effects of the cyclical crises of Western capitalism, transferring to our weak economy, cause notorious disorders, with commercial and banking bankruptcy. In any case, the Brazilian economy begins to overcome the stage of the flow of income abroad, starting the stage in
that, keeping and accumulating inside a part of it, goes to the category of dependent economy. Internal accumulation resides particularly in balances in the balance of foreign trade and the growth of subsistence production. The domestic market, which date from the mining phase in the south-central altiplane, begins to weigh on economic activity. The growing collapse of slavery is parallel to the development of commercial capital and even certain forms of usurer capital. The promulgation, still in 1850, of the Commercial Code and, in 1855, of the Civil Code follows the new function Economic socio-equation of the land and the advent of previously unknown commercial and industrial companies. The consumer habits of urban populations change, grow the market to which they enclose diverse imports, including with regard to household items and women's fashion. The passage of earth to the category of bourgeois property follows, in rural areas, this transformation that ends up affecting customs. That passage, on the other hand, pas I am working based on the exploration of agricultural work. It is an irregular process, braked by the heavy inheritance of the colonial past and the complexity of the mixed forms in force and even by inequalities not only between the classes but also among the regions, the production islands in the extensive National Lago. These inequalities are reflected in the growth of the varying domestic market. Still, Brazil's real income, in the second half of the nineteenth century, increased 5.4 times.1 7 It was the time, it should be remembered, in which the national commercial capital controlled the coffee trade, allowing to retain in the interior of an important portion of your profits. Cases of individual fortunes were known: Mauá accumulated, in ten years, about 100,000 sterlin pounds in banking activity. In the early decades of the second half of the century, he organized companies in which millions of sterlin pounds were invested. In the first half of the century, Brazil had only had a merchant balance with the outside a few times and the deficit was covered with loans; In it, the budget balance only occurred seven times, until 1860. Brazil hired more than ten 1 7 Celso Furtado, economic formation of Brazil (Rio de Janeiro, 1959), p. 280.
loans, worth 11.5 million sterlin pounds. Alongside 1861, the balances in the outer trade balance were continuous and, although oscillated in value, reached high rates in years such as 1867-1868 and 1871-1872. From then on they were almost always growing. The budget deficit, however, remained consistent throughout the second half of the century. The export of coffee, which had remained slightly less than 50% of the total value of Brazilian exports, exceeded this rate in the decenium 1871-1880; Sugar, in continued decline, had not arrived, at 12%decade; But cotton reached over 18%in it. The first standards for the incorporation of corporations of 1849 were completed in 1859 and 1860. The year 1855 was marked by the appearance of the consolidation of civil laws, by Teixeira de Freitas. The first telegraph lines are 1852, the first Fer Rovia is 1854, the gas lighting of the river is 1853. In 1850, the Ponta d 'Areia naval construction establishment was beginning to function, acquired by Mauá in 1846. In 1852, he was organized by the Amazonas Navigation Company, such as the Transport Company. Already in 1851, he had founded the Rio de Janeiro of Lighting Company and participated in the second phase of Banco do Brasil. Its capitals in 1850 were already around 300,000 contos de réis. All of its companies, however, as the concession for the construction of the railroad linking the port of Santos to the Planalto, were brought by the effects of the cyclical crises of capitalism and passed the property of English and Americans. The tariff oscillations were already eroding their entrepreneurship: Mauá was a victim of the backwardness of Brazilian capitalism. Her pioneer bourgeois adventure marks the weakness of this childhood pitalism: the cyclical crises of 1857 and 1864 liquu gave it with it. When the first occurred only in Rio de Janeiro 49 Bankruptcy; In 1858, it will be 90; Rural mortgages, for debts contracted between 1855 and 1859, ascend to 68,000 contos de réis, virtually impossible settlement commitments. The repetition of the crisis in 1864, when J. Alves Souto's banking house closed the doors and a hundred commercial houses was devastated, with a global loss of 100,000 réis contos only in these bankruptcy, aggravated the picture and represented violent obstacles to the national capitalization. These data reveal the obstacles
Culos that capitalist accumulation faced here. Pressed between the slave and feudal landlord and the British pre-imperialism, it advanced to leaps and bounds. The rail expansion was marked in 1880 for a five -year growth. In 1882, the law of corporations was expanded. It was a ascension phase of income, allowing to accelerate accumulation. Overcoming the crisis of 1874-1875, which only completed itself in 1886, exports grow: which was in value in the last two decades of the century. Balances become usual: those of the 1895-1900 gloss reaching just over 350,000 réis contos, reaching more than 1,400,000 reis contos in the 1900-1905 gloss, which, oscillating embo ra, will remain until 1920. It was IMPORTANT INDEX OF ADVANCE The total balance of one million contos de réis in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Brazilian coffee then exceeded 75% of the total world marketed. The indispensable data in the analysis of the QURO, however, is that referring to imperialism. Between 1860 and 1880, really, monopolies are nothing more than embryos, when the development of free competition finds their heyday; The period of wide development of the cartels begins in 1873, but takes considerable impetus at the end of the century: the 1900-1903 crisis marks the full development of imperia lol. If the English national income folded, between 1865 and 1898, the income from abroad grew nine times. This rhythm of exploitation of colonial areas was also that of dependent areas. Brazil competed with its portion for this. This exploitation was the foundation of the British Empire, which we did, though politically autonomous. Brazilian material development has been secularly delayed from the phase of the colonial economy, characterized by the flow of income abroad, to the dependent economy phase, when the very slow capitalist accumulation began, due to being in the country a country already important part of the income generated therein. What defines the emergence of capitalist relations here and then their development is the fact that it occurs in the pre-imperialist phase and then fully imperialist. It is this late capitalism that will find from its dawn great observes that have been particularly materialized in the association of imperialism with our accumulation. We advanced as a frequent car
of the permanently. In addition to the consequent brakes of exploitation, we carried the weight of cyclic seizures, whose effects were systemically transferred from the original areas and of fully developed capitalism to dependent capitalism, such as Brazil. Pre-imperialism presented here the framework defined by investments and loans, adding effects to the exchange change. This was the oldest form. Investments follows our capitalist development, applied in rail and maritime transport, such as urban transport, and services: gas, light, telegraph, then telephone, submarine cable, almost always in leonine contracts.1 8 1 9 loans began With the indent - her recognition cost us the responsibility of the so -called “Portuguese loan”, because taken by D. João VI - and remained, practically without interruption, to this day: those of the time of the Empire were liquidated only after the 1930s movement. The history of these loans is a long dark web that unveils the extraordinary overload that secularly the people of our people.1 1 bourgeoisie surpassed the crises of the beginning of the second half of the nineteenth century, the export, consequence, and Cause of the expansion of crop and the Amazon collecting economy later, the pitalistic relations developed at a slow but clear pace. This 18 Leonino contract model was the construction and exploitation of São Paulo Railway, the English, with the guarantee of interest, the privilege of the mono polio of transport and the long duration. There was no risk of the capital invested by the British company, which effectively profited, since the eventual damage would be contractually covered by the state for almost a century. He left us a railway stroke. 1 9 The history of Brazilian foreign debt, subject to several studies, including an officer, which would lead to the so -called “spider scheme”, when, after the 1930 movement, the Brazilian government decided to raise the loans previously granted and establish A payment system in new molds is sometimes a maze of clumsiness. The survey conducted by an unsuspected economist, Valentine Bouças, makes revelations that would be, among individuals, the object of police action.
SENVENTION - that innovations in legislation give a sign, in the late century, significant qualitative change. It is the first major bid of capitalist accumulation marked by political reforms, that the abolition of slave labor, with the preceding laws of free belly and sexagenaries, was the most prominent, and that it was associated with the advent of the Republic. Previously, there were isolated bourgeois, such as individuals, islanded by the absolute predominant of the landlord and in a society in which they were reduced minority. Now the bourgeoisie is already outlined as a class. As such, taking its first steps, in unambiguous subordination to the manorial class. But present in the reforms of the end of the century, without the slightest doubt. The political crisis of the time derives from the structural economic changes that then occur and qualification as structural goes by virtue of changes in the labor market mainly: capitalist development Brazilian, although still slow and difficult, no longer included coexistence with slavery.2 The second great move of the development of capitalism and the bourgeoisie was linked to the set of events that marked the 1* World War. Due to the war and the submarine campaign with which the Germans were trying to block the Allied trade, international exchanges encountered very large difficulties to function. In the Brazilian case, as in some others, these difficulties were due to the decrease and, in certain cases, the suspension of imports. Without receiving from the extension, or receiving at a smaller volume and below their need for the goods we previously received, we were compelled to go out here. This reduction in imports and simultaneous advance in substitute national production generated, in addition to modification in the balance of foreign trade, an industrial park that, in normal conferences, would have demanded different and controversial measures and investments to, in the end, motivate one Development slow, as it was happening. The war, on another 20 “In 1889, Brazil took only one quite undecided step through the transformation of its feudal-colonial state system into a bourgeois system. This predetermined the objective need for a new revolutionary transformation in the character of state power, which was four decades later in 1930 ”(N. Simonia, in A. Karaev, op. Cit., P. 8).
Side, occupied imperialism in this mister, which is intrinsic to him, was going to his action on dependent economies, like ours. Thus, capitals previously consumed in imports, transferred to the industry, created a new picture. Favored by conjunction, the bourgeoisie's effort must then develop to make the conjuncture structural. The balances in the Foreign Trade Balance of the order of 200,000 contos de réis, on average, until 1914, went to 850,000 in 1919. Economic statistics pointed out that, in fochanes, the percentage of capital invested in Indús Tria was marked by data Following: 11 to 12%, between 1885 and 1894; Ascending 12.4%between 1905 and 1909; To go to 18.5%, between 1910 and 1914 and 24.2%, between 1915 and 1919. From 1901, industry will be the axis of the domestic market economy, although the foreign market was be preponderant. The 1907 Industrial Census marks the existence of 3,258 establishments, with a capital of 670,000 contos de réis, with a production value of more than 140,000 reis and a workforce of 150,000 openings. In 1920, the data will be very different and will emphasize the Qualitative Dance MU: 13,340 establishments, invested capital of 1,800,000 contos de réis, production value of 3,000,000 reis and 280,000 workers. This means that it doubled the number of workers, quadrupled the value of the production and tripled the number of establishments, such as the invested capital. Only between 1915 and 1919, in five years only 5,940 new industrial establishments emerged. The bourgeoisie not only saw its space be expanded but recognized. In 1890 we had only two electrical plants; Between 1891 and 1900 were founded 8; Between 1900 and 1910, 77 were founded; Between 1910 and 1915, 104 were founded and between 1915 and 1925, 152 emerged. The data set an important industrialization process, although with marked deficiencies: it is a dispersed park, serving nearby consumer areas, served by energy sources also dispersed in small ICI in the; The weight of manufacturing and even crafts is large in it; The contribution of consumer goods is overwhelming: in 1920, color responds to 85 or 90% of the total value of production and defines it is defined. But, in fact, it alters the framework and structure of Brazilian production and defines the impulse of development here of capitalist relations. The “essentially agricultural” and the eco
Essentially exporting nomy are no longer sufficient to finish this picture. It is another country, with new political and social class relations. The third bid of the development of Brazilian capitalism and, consequently, of the advancement of the bourgeoisie in relation to the whole of society, occurs in close relationship with the 1929 crisis, which shakes the world economy, as its repercussions are of this diet and deeply affect the Brazil. It is repeated, for other reasons and in other conditions, what happened when the World War II: our imports fall and, with the fall of the exposure and, in them, the violent decline of the contribution of coffee, operated accentuated transfer of transfer agriculture investments for industry. It is one of the most prominent moments, on the other hand, of the expansion of the domestic market, with the crisis of the economy to expose traditional tadora. Even in the agricultural area, the role that cotton assumes, using the structure left available by the coffee crisis, is Full of this one and has a direct connection with the growth of the national textile industry, one of its traditional and older traditions, as well as dispersed in various urban centers. The 1929 crisis really repeats here and, it should be stressed, under very different and much more significant, which had happened when World War II. As a change of quality, that crisis, with its necessary and complementary corollary, the 1930s armed movement, constituted a very important stage of the development of Brazilian capitalism. In that movement, bourgeois hegemony, albeit transient in the phase, APA with meridian clarity. To the same extent that, with the collapse of slavery, the basis of the exploitation of work in the countryside became the primacy of the earth, in urban areas the accumulation at the expense of work would advance. Generally speaking, the developed, pure, pure, exempt from feudal survivors began to apply at this stage of change, which shook traditional structures. Class division, therefore, began to define itself with sharpness. On the outer face, however, the landscape remained unchanged and the flow of loans and investments was preferably intended for the consolidation of pre-capitalist forms, although colonial economy was declining, replaced by the dependent type. The 1930 movement and the new composition
of power allowed the state to effect its participation in the ongoing changes. The premise needed to define the pitalist relations now existed: concentration of monetary richness on the one hand, and concentration of the proletarian mass of Li Vres producers, on the other hand. The stage, like the previous ones, despite everything, points out an irregular advance of those relationships, slow and late. Such traces profounded the development of Brazilian capital deeply and exerted in it profound influence. Foreign loans were one of the ways the action of imperialism was present in that development. How much, from 1891 to 1900, they totaled 22 million sterlin pounds, from 1901 to 1910 reached 98 and from 1911 to 1930 reached 203 million sterlin pounds. External Vivi, between 1900 and 1930, grew from 46 to 267 million pounds, while foreign investments control 23% of the capital that operated in the country.2 1 While such in garments, such as loans in some cases , accelerated the capitalist advance, caused accumulation to lose self -nomine and be absorbed in increasing portions by foreign investors. It soon intensified the evasion of financial resources in the form of dividends. Foreign debt commitments between 1901 and 1910 consumed about one third of the surrender provided by export or 10% of the value of gross domestic product. In 1929, foreign debt commitments plus foreign investments totaled between 35 and 37% of balances in the trade scale with the abroad, twice what happened between 1901 and 1910. Thus, imperialism was a partner of development of Brazilian capitalism. In 1932, export income had 51% intended to adjust foreign debt accounts and refer to trangeal investment profits. But the 1930s marks a new period in the accumulation of capital here. This is due to a series of circumstances and repeats what, to a lesser extent, has occurred before: the breaks in imperialist exploration are moments of advancement of internal capitalist accumulation. In this case, the break was linked to the problems that the impeillism faced, resulting from the 1929 and prolonged crisis 2 1 A. Karaev, op. cit., P. 59.
depression that followed and that reached almost until the end of the decade. Our capitalist development, thus, was compressed by imperialism, on the one hand, its partner, and the landlord, on the other hand: the accumulation of capital forming resources continued to be, despite everything, operated in the pre-capitalist sector. The political changes that Brazil is a scenario at the time mean, under such conditions, the always partial and defective execution of the tasks peculiar to the bourgeois revolution that the 1930 movement was an important moment: the mastery of oligarchies, particularly the exporter, enters In decline, state intervention in the process becomes accentuated. The gloss who followed the 1930 movement was agitated and this agitation derived from the reigning instability and the improvisations that denounced an uncertain search for directions. The new ones are political or their composition brought no plan for the reforms to undertake and gripped the terrain in search of orientation. They were heterogeneous forces and this heterogeneity corresponded to the mixed forms that presented themselves in the territorial extension of the country and the variety of forms that the production presented and its mixture. In 1932, armed movement in the area of coffee threatens this fragile composition. And the conservative character of the 1930 movement-disguised in the liberal preaching and even popular sympathy, not properly-, based on subsisting archaism in our society, from the power of pre-capitalist areas, would begin to appear after some agitated years of internal struggles in which social contradictions emerged. Early, power assumed repressive forms and tended to search for a hypothetical harmony between classes. Keeping intact, although with less participation in power, the landlord, defining but pre-capitalists, persisted by braking on changes: land ownership remained untouched and resistance to imperialism with the weak. But the fact is that, for the first time, the bourgeoisie had the command of the actions, exercised hegemony in the process. She had in the 1930 movement one of the most important steps of her ascension. The hegemony gained in the 1930 movement allows the bourgeoisie to opt for the dictatorship installed in 1937 as Estado Novo, inserted in the large ascension of acute forms - fascism, Nazism, militarism - with which the bourgeoisie, on scale
Worldwide, she defined the panic she had been carried out by the crisis and the threat of triumphant socialism in Russia years earlier. The short period of freedom, which began within 1930, with the changes in the composition of power, allowed workers to resume their forms of organization and struggle. In the contradictory and oscum seals state political line, in its ambiguous intervention in the process, the 1930 movement would make its aspect of the servant that, in it, not unique, would be preponderant and would not cease to grow in that decade. The balance between violent repression and loose paternalism allowed to ensure, in the coherent line, a transient stability that created the conditions to consolidate reforms designed to affirm the capitalist advance here. The so -called Novo State, really behind its police and obscurantist facade, defined the advance of the bourgeoisie composed with the landlord and imperialism, containing, at the same time, the advance and the claims of the proletariat. The 1930 movement unravels its content with the Estado Novo. With this one, Burgue Sia made her choice. The correlation of forces, external and internal, would allow this unique bid. Under the heavy disguise of police repression, with the safeguard of an ideologically intensely mobilized military tract, the state would now articulate reforms that ensure the advancement of capitalist relations and even accelerated it. This consequently derived from bourgeois hegemony, allowing to contain the proletariat, either by the police and repressive actions, or by the articians to which it was allegedly working legislation, actually mounted to subordinate work to the conditions the bourgeois state imposed. The 1930 movement, in this final phase of its unfolding, emerging from the apparent confusion, generated by panic but also fed as a form of intimidation to cover up the essential of the political process, proved to be a stage of the bourgeois revolution in Brazil, an operated step - Unlike the classic historical models - against the rated proleta. The principles of reformism that marks legislation, in the CA, define a tibia nationalist position, which advances in the crisis phase of imperialism to decline later. These principles are intended to facilitate capitalization, to retain within the larger portion of accumulation, to use the domestic market, conciliating although
With its narrowing by the feudal landlord, as its propeller element. In Brazilian historical development, this is a phase in which capitalization was able to live with the landlord, which configured the precapitalist area here. These are principles that ensure the bourgeoisie the solidarity of important portions of the small bourgeoisie, which now participates in political discloses. The suppression of the internal taxes that burned the exchanges between the various areas corresponds to the expansion and unification of the domestic market. Various measures, in the tax order, in the financial order, in the labor order add effects to marry this economic nationalism that is very based on the role of the state. It is a phase in which the national issue is brought in the foreground, with sacrifice of the democratic question. Burgue Sia is not interested in this but that. The replacement of imports, an essential trait of accumulation at the time, has the mark of said nationalism that, at the end of the decade, finds in oil politics, then only in sketch, a point that will be controversial but decisive. The construction of the Volta Redonda plant will be another important point: it is now heavy industry, production goods, that is, a Deep qualitative change. State interference and plan of planning mark the formation of the state sector of the economy, which will play an eminent role in accumulation. The legislation on the exploitation of ores and the use of energy sources - set in the Code of Mines and the Water Code, of 1934 - is being established unmistakable nationalist conditions and the trend becomes to face energy sources as dependent State action in its exploitation. The recovery of the effects of the 1929 crisis here mark the vitality of the domestic market in expansion and the weight of upward accumulation. These effects could already be considered suic in 1933. In 1935, the total value of industrial production exceeded 1929 by 28% and, in 1940, at 61%; The average annual growth rate of industrial production was 4.4%. On the other hand, although the export economy is stagnant, agricultural production for the domestic market grew by 40% between 1929 and 1937. Import in 1931 fell by more than 50% compared to 1929, while The industry created night shifts to serve the Inter market
at the. From 1930 to 1939 12,232 new companies were created in Brazil, almost triple from those that emerged from 1920 to 1929. In short, one of the premises of capitalism was created: the accumulation of capital capital for this required at that historical stage. Proletariat appreciated this process, of its origins in the second half of the nineteenth century, going through the significant phases of change in the end of this century and the crisis of the 1 “World War to the 1930 movement and later evolution, the picture is completed with historical process simultaneous work market formation and salaried work establishment - the second premise. The separation between the two processes in this study is a didactic resource, focused on the clarity of exposure. In fact, it is a unique process. The beginning of this process can be a date of 1850, when slave trade was abolished. The work in Brazil, only with a quarter of a century of autonomous life, came from the colonial phase, which autonomy did not change, as employment that was from the ruling manor, and comprised the slave mass of African origin and its descendants and contingents of dispersed servants in the territory, in the various islands of village and production. Of course, the greatest weight of work rests Sava in the mass of slaves; It was responsible for the highest volume and the highest value of production destined abroad. Although the little and unusual statistics of the time do not clarify, it seems that the work of feudal areas was responsible for production for domestic consumption, not mostly, and for subsistence. The second half of the nineteenth century assists the decomposition of slavery and the slow creation of the labor market. The suspension of trafficking foreshadowed that decomposition: it imported in the clear warning of the end of the regime and it was alert that the ruling class clearly understood, preparing for change. With a secular resistance, of course, first in the acceptance that the sentence was inexorable; Then, with the tendency to find less radical exits, including the goat's attempt to impose Chinese workers, who would come here,
nor, for feudal servitude; Finally with a policy obtained the acceptance of free work, with the financing of immigration. In this last phase, accurate by the changes that prelimbed or generated capitalist relations, that class adopted a position in which realism was the main note, presided over by the harsh care to preserve the portion absolutely majority that it enjoyed the sharing of income. Changes would be established in obedience to the primacy of this predoor. The coffee farm began in the province of Rio de Janeiro, in the third decade of the nineteenth century, and was predominant until 1880, the eve of the abolition and the Republic, with heyday in 1850, when slave traffic was abolished. The end of the century assists the passage of this crop to the provinces of Minas and São Paulo, especially this, with predominant production after 1880 and by several glosses of the twentieth century. Brazil provided 20% of the total of coffee sold in 1825; 40%in 1850; 60%, in 1890. In value, 18% of Brazilian exports, between 1820 and 1830 - with 30% of sugar; 50%, between 1851 and 1866 - with 21% of sugar; 65%, in 1890 - with 6% of sugar. The curve of these numbers explains the diversity of positions, in the process of liquidation of slavery and establishment of free work, between the coffee and sugar areas. The expansion of coffee crop and the export rise, in volume and in value, mark the advance of the internal accumulation of capital: coffee is the original source of this accumulation that will generate the BRASY CAPITALISM. The expansion of coffee crop to west is accompanied by technological advancement: the advent of the benefit machine is parallel to the advance of railways. Coffee is hungry for new lands; In them, the slave population grows 235%between 1854 and 1886. The high price of coffee allows the slaves to use in this expansion: Africans, until 1850, displaced from other provinces, later. This internal displacement of the slavery will be reflected in the creation of the workplace, when the process of change is accentuated. Coffee, by the way, works here as cotton worked in the United States as to slave labor. In 1800, Brazil and the United States have the same number of slaves: one million; Until 1850, when the slave trade, Brazil imported 1,600,000
slaves, the triple of the United States; But in 1870 Brazil was in 1,500,000 slaves and the United States had 4,000.00. Here and there slavery engendered its own changes: while providing the material bases of economic expansion, it was a factor of stuffing, resisting changes. But this dialectical process of its liquidation, here and there, assumes different conditions. There, the development of capita lists in the north will lead to the war in which the North occupies the South. This capitalist development found great stimulus in the possibility of access to land in the United States. Here, the Land Law of 1850-Note: It is the date of suspension of trafficking ne Grere-prohibits the acquisition of vacant land except for purchase, that is, it presupposes a fully insured capitalist structure. The pre-capitalist area here will embroidered considering the passage to free work. The recruitment of slaves had in African trafficking and, from 1850, in the internal trafficking to its main source. There was a secondary source: the reproduction of the species. Contrary to what happened in the United States, it was not systematically exploited here, although it existed, under normal conditions, in agricultural procedures. The situation of the slave mass and the impossibility of continuing to supply it with new contingents made the big Brazilian problem in the nineteenth century was the transition to free work. When the number of free residents was higher than that of slaves, slavery announces its close end. It must then help with the solution of the pro Blema at work. The concern with her, of course, arose with the suspension of slave trade, but the war with Paraguay in 1864 absorbed the government's activities and interrupted the discretion of the problem. The war, by the way, seriously affected the slave labor regime, with the demands of recruitment and the concessions made to the masters for the release of slaves intended for the ranks. Still here the statistics is precarious, but it is reasonable to say that the war was made, on our side, based on the contribution of the freed. If the war interrupted the progress of the discussions, in cluster of the projects of Pimenta Bueno, as early as 1867 the Council of State returned its attention to the problem. The year 1870 marks the end of the war with Paraguay, the foundation of the party
Republican, but also, taking advantage of the Italian crisis, the beginning of organized immigration, which will be constant concern, aiming at the creation of the labor market. The need to establish legislation for this is present in the attention of the authorities. Without pre, of course, within the concept that laws reinforce and legitimize class relations and struggles, seeking acceptance, and also denounce projects and desires that society cannot do not know. Placed between the resistance of slaves to the regime, on the one hand, and the interests of the masters, on the other hand, those authorities return to their concerns for both exits: to encourage immigration on the one hand and regulate the abolition of slavery, On the other hand. It is the elaboration of a strategy to ensure the peaceful transition to free work and to create the labor market: the workforce as a commodity. If their predecessors had not been able to make the issue of the issue, Paranhos arrives in the government with a pro gram in which four points stand out: that of the electoral system, the administration of justice, the National Guard and the element servile, as it was usually to say at the time. It was on May 15, 1871 that he entered the order of the day, in the House of Representatives, the bill on the subject. As it was observed and it is easy to see by reading the annals of the two homes of the imperative legislature, the debates “were much more violent” than usual, with the use of rough and uncovered language. This gives the measure of the resistance that the Paranhos Cabinet project has found. And this resistance matters in noting the existence of conservative political forces, infective to any essential modification in the legislation that regulated the general work and that of the slave in particular. In the debates, Paranhos showed the project opponents that they needed reason. He stressed that the project aimed at a preacction to “ensure the true and legitimate rights of agrarian owners” .2 2 This care was conditioned to the language violence of opposition to the project. José de Alencar who, with Perdigão Malheiro, 22 Miguel P. do Rio-Branco, centenary of the Free Belly Law (Rio de Janeiro, 1976), p. 14. The cited work, in addition to the full text of the law, presents the projects, amendments and proposals, all related to their progress, and the list of senators and deputies who participated, pro or against, in their discussion and their vote.
He was ahead of this opposition, and stood out in it for the harshness of its manifestations, it was one of the most disqualified and stated that the project, became law, would provoke the civil war in the country. There were five months of access discussions: the 28th of time the project was consecrated by law - it would be the so -called free belly law. Contrary to what is generally thought, it was not focused on ensuring the freedom of the slave, but to ensure the authority of the Lord. It actually represented the most important step towards the threat that the social framework learned and the pressure of the needs that the ruling class exerts, establish the political strategy to operate the peaceful transition to free work, creating the market of work that the current structure of production required. The main trait of the initiative of parade in 1871 was that, at that time and for the first time, a policy was drawn, that is, the intervention of the state was performed in the labor market, establishing the conditions of its operation. The law reaffirmed, it should be repeated, the authority of the masters. He did not free the slaves, created conditions for it. Placed on stage, in a phase of agitation and when the end of slavery was in sight, we weakened the resistance of the slavery and braked the impetus of the abolitionist movement that only began. It aimed at particularly when slave escapes surrounded, controlling them, and fixing them. It created, for this, the registration of slaves and the emancipation fund: the births were declared free but were under the care of their masters until the age of eight, when they would either receive a hundred thousand réis per head or would continue with the property of the slave unbornly until it turned 21. This was important to ensure the slave owner that he could maintain those born from then on, 1871, until 1892, that is, four years beyond the date on which slavery was then declared by virtue of the progress of the process. historic. The Slave Registration, in fact, scheduled for the year, 1872, took more than a year to be fulfilled and was always circumvented. Reports of the Ministry of Agriculture, soon ahead, have root that the private initiative had released six times more slaves than the state. In 1884, Rui Barbosa's testimony showed that the resources of the emancipation fund had released less
20,000 slaves; Although such resources were high five times, they would only free 120,000 slaves until the end of the century. In 1879, the Service Lease Law regulated free work and contracts, stimulating immigration: the state, in its end, prepared, with immigration, a labor market of its convenience. He then assumed the expenses with the IMI, previously in charge of individuals. These are free from such incons, immigration developed rapidly. Still in 1879, the man is forbidden for the internal trafficking of slaves, which was the source in which the crop of coffee was supplied in its expansion. In 1872, when the law of free belly begins to be effective, the country's popular was 11 million; 9.5 million were free. It was the time when the rubber outbreak began, Contri Buindo to increase the export value. At that time, the coffee expansion created and developed the Cen Tro-Sul rail network, powerfully stimulated foreign trade and the inner trange and generated the banking system. Conditions were established for the spread of capitalist relations and slavery had their days counted. Concern resided in how to liqueur it. In September 1885, with the Goorada de Dantas initiative, resumed in the Saraiva-Car-Car Office, a new measure would emerge, within the strategy adopted for the creation of the labor market: the law that freed the Sexagenaries. She established new rules for the registration of slaves, now considering their age, and increased the emancipation background: gentlemen who opted for free work could retain the freed for five years; obliges the liberta to reside for five years where I worked; uniquely, predicted, as a limit of Duration of the slave regime, for the 13 years, that is, for 1898. In essence, the new law declared free those over 60 years old, with the obligation to work more three years for their masters; They were dismissed from service if they were over 65 or paid a hundred thousand réis to the Lord. The law was passed by 71 votes against 17; The one of the free belly was a much smaller difference: the number of those that approved it would not be twice as long as they opposed it. It was the ongoing historical process, which changed the opinion of the ruling class representatives. Slave escapes grew, the abolitionist movement developed. The predictions of the time were ten years of validity of slavery. The Rental Law of
Services, 1879, such as the free belly and the Sexagenaries established the conditions for the operation of the labor market. The so -called abolition in 1888 did not have to enter this issue: declared abolished slavery, so simply. The debates of this legislation, over time, in the two houses of the imperial legislature, always reveal the concern not with the luck of slaves but with the losses of the masters: it is a ruling class, in preserving their interests. The successiveness of these laws transitally dismantled the abolitionist moving and the struggle of slaves for freedom. Such legislation has always established optimal conditions for those who with workforce. It also constituted a stimulus to immersion: coexistence with slave labor had always been undeniating for immigrants. The process of liquidation of slave labor, under the conditions established by the ruling class, pros, as a final result, the permanent existence of a considerable supply of labor force, seeking to insert itself into the production process, constituting a large reserve army. The Lio of the Earth, on the other hand - constant element in our history, persisting to the present day - always represented the most powerful obstacle to the release of work in Brazil: here the workforce is always cheap.2 3 of course is That, as an exception, salaried work has existed here since colonial times. It is its mass use as a predominant form in the most developed areas, which defines in relations and is a process closely linked to the liquidation of slavery. The weight of slavery and servitude was - and there are still remnants of it - so great that wage labor 2i “Abolition was not an economic solution, as long as there were no confines for the labor market to absorb the mass previously enslaved. It was a political solution, which corresponded to liquidating an anachronistic instituting, without prejudice to the proprietary class, taken together. Both there was no conjunction that the catastrophic predictions were not realized. The burden of slavery was dropped on the road by the ruling class. He had become too costly for her to carry him ”(Nelson Werneck Sodré, Op. Cit., P. 253). In this study, slavery is not appreciated in its political or ethical aspects, but only in its relations with the emergence of the capitalist form of proofreading and the formation of the labor market, with salary.
It encompassed almost such immigrants, until the 1930s movement. The way slavery was settled, in order to serve the interests of the ruling class. The 700,000 freed, that is, always had no aptitude for any form of work other than to plow and reap and, however, faced the problem of access to the land, which was forbidden to the conditions that regulated the her property. Hence the immense mass of vagabonds - in the sense of walking - that runs through the foreign, gravitates to the periphery of urban areas and remains without work, and hence the idea, peculiar to a class society, that they, and particularly those labeled By color, they had work aversion as a genetic condition. This prejudice was part of the tragic ideology of a class that situated physical work as a demeaning and that it would see, since the late nineteenth century, the "aryization" of the mass of work as an indispensable condition for the country's outbreak. When the number of people without sources of existence and even home grows, as happened in the late nineteenth century, it is evident that the country's economic structure is seriously sick.2 4 by half a century, between 1880 and 1930, they arrived to Brazil four million immigrants. Most intended for the area of coffee 24 the phenomenon, which occurred in the late nineteenth century, when forming the labor market, as it needed the ruling class, starting with the liquidation of wandering mass slavery, which bring conditions for Allow its subsistence and even home, repeat itself in our day. It is, as it were, a continued process, a constant phenomenon. With the deformed development of capitalism here, particularly after 1964, with the invasion of foreign investments and the surrender conditions they received, the service of foreign debt and unequal trade adding effects on the remittance of profits, it assumes gigantic and even alarming proportions. The growth of misery, with large cities besieged by hungry and unemployed population areas, also increasing internal migrations, and the inability of the market to absorb this extraordinary supply of workforce, a savings canceled by deep evils and structural. Solving them, as has been tried, by palliative measures, that only conjunctural aspects, it has been a political adventure whose end will be the disaster.
expanding. The national worker, which “the domestic market was barely absorbed, was used only in the most rude tasks, such as the brave and deforestation of new areas. These, however, were incorporated into existing estates: the pioneering zones did not correspond to a change in land property. When the state assumed the responsibility of immigration expenses, it developed rapidly. In fact, the landlords, responsible for such expenses, who anticipated, removed foreign workers either by leonial contracts, or for working conditions that belonged to servitude: their fear was that these non-slaved workers, shocked For such conditions, they abandoned the crops, leaving the owners of the lands that had hired them without their pockets. Free of this burden and threat, the landlord explored the work of immigration at will. This one, really, was already in the labor market dispossessed of goods, that is, "free." This goods was continued, in the case of the Brazilian worker: it is a regular process that repeats itself to our day. It is a primitive accumulation that crosses the times. Immigration began to be subsidized by the province of São Paulo in 1881, before, therefore, of the abolition, ten years after the Free Belly Law, which regulated the final process of slavery, two years before the law on service leasing. The central government dispensed with immigration, between 1881 and 1917, about 181,000 contos de réis; The province of São Paulo, about 68,000. EN TRE 1827 and 1919, more than 1,800,000 IMI entered this province; Just under one million were subsidized. Only between 1887 and 1906 did they arrived in São Paulo, 1,200,000 immigrants. If the statistics were guided, between 1908 and 1920, more than one million immigrants. The population of the country evolved rapidly: in 1906, that of the province of São Paulo was 3,000,000 inhabitants. In Brazil, in 1872, when the Free Belly Law, there were 10,000,000 inhabitants; They went to 14,000,000 in 1890; to 17,000,000 in 1900; and at 31,000,000 in 1920. The slave population went from 1,150,000 in 1823 to 1,500,000 in 1873. Upon abolition, it was barely 700,000. The percentage of slave poulation over the free population decreased rapidly, in the second half of the nineteenth century, from 31%in 1850 to 15%in 1872 and 5%in 1887. Part of the rural population,
Thrown to the indigence, he had the minimum conditions to transform the sea in the peasant. The collapse of slavery expands the contrast between the two economic systems, that of the feudal economy and that of the small peasant econo, competitors with the capitalist system in childhood to use the excessive labor force in the market. Existence always, considerably aggravated by the abolition, of very numerous mass of people who had lost their usual subsistence sources, plus the territorial displacement of Ri Queza, leaving in abandoning extensive areas, generates multiplication and dispersion of precapitalist forms exploration. The separation of the producer from the immediate means of production, the source of the process of primitive accumulation, is a phenomenon of enormous wingspan, as.2 5 The coexistence in Brazil in many mixed economic forms, combining elements of old and new production relations, The coexistence of the renewing impulse with the archand structures resistant to change created, in reality, and created for the historian, great difficulties in understanding this with a plexus process that was the gestation of capitalist relations here. Anyway, so the passage to the wage labor of the country was operated. His conjugation with the growth of the richness of a structure in which monetary relations gained prominence presents as the premises necessary for the appearance and development of capitalism. And, with this, the generation and development of the bourgeoisie, a side, and the proletariat, on the other hand. The bourgeoisie, here,, having emerged at the time of commercial capital and usurer capital, in the mercantile phase, only expanded its presence from the second half of the nineteenth century. This expansion process, resulting from the one who presided over growth 2 5 our historiography, yet the economic, precise and especially this was never interested in the essential processes of our development: that of initial investment, as the first example; The transfer of effects of the cyclical crises of capitalism here as another example. Thus, the process of emergence and growth, accelerated at certain stages, of the stripping of workers' goods, talking having it in “free”, that is, with the only exit of salaried work, has been continually forgotten as well. And forgotten by convenience of an ideologically conditioned historiography.
Of the capitalist relations here, he met several steps. SU Bordinated to the superiority of the landlords, for a long time, performed part of his tasks and defined his revolution as he grew in political power, until he had majority participation and characterized in state control. It was a revolution without major bids, ascending by levels and marking successiveness in their achievements. Its beginning, when changes begin to become clear, can be marked by the preliminary stage of the late nineteenth century, but mainly by the 1930 movement. From this, the bourgeois revolution is defined and will continue to advance. His essential problem consists of coexistence with the Latifundio Feu Dal, support of the land lords' class, on the one hand, and with imperialism, on the other hand. It has both avoidance contradictions but, in their weakness, coexists with them, is associated with them, submits to them, as it is threatened by their inseparable acolyte, the proletariat. Accepts, therefore, the resistance of archaic Brazil and hesitates to break with it. It is a class that performs its revolution by making its specific tasks incomplete. Conclusions The absence of feudal past allowed the United States to operate, in the same movement, political autonomy and the bourgeois revolution, fleeing the classic model. In our time, peoples Afri pipes operate autonomy and the passage to socialism in the same movement, although, as for this, only in their preliminaries. In Brazil, autonomy, inheriting slavery and feudalism, has no trace of bourgeois revolution. In the late nineteenth century, the Republic marks a bourgeois advance in the most conservative strand. The 1930 movement, conditioned by the 1929 crisis, then points out the violent action to accelerate and deepen the bourgeois reduction, maintaining the latifundium and reconciling with the perialism. Between 1930 and 1943, passing through the Estado Novo and the 2. World War II, and conforming to the “Cold War”, a phase of marked reinforcement and a new accelerating impetus of capitalism and the bourgeoisie is operated to, after 1954, reconcile the wing of the nucleus of state capitalism with a form of capita
Monopolistic state lolly, under the control of internal conservative forces and external neocolonialist forces. The “development”, then adopted as a norm of action, will end, in mind, in the dictatorship outlined with the 1964 military coup and solidated in 1968, providing the so-called “Brazilian model of development”, with active participation and Decisive multi -national multi -model that, twenty years later, proves their inadequacy to the development of the country and whose effects constitute a factor of this development. These steps mark the forms that successively the bourgeois revolution assumes here. They continue and renew the contradictory character of our capitalist development, the inconsistent ways it travels, the differences it establishes in relation to the classic models, with violation of the unfolding, as it were normal of the historical steps, ending the situation of Syual of Brazil in the general system of the capitalist division of labor into world terms. The almost always inaccurate boundaries between formations and what has been conventionally known as “containing non-coetaneous”, that is, coexistence in the space of time-distanced formations, made it difficult to develop our capitalism and profoundly marked Bur GUESIA HERE. Our slavery did not know, in the passage to Feu Dalismo - that it was not always the rule - the Roman intermediation of the colonist. He was crushed by direct passage to servitude or capitalism or lived with one and the other. Our capitalism was not born of the feudal ruins that, here, only fell in certain areas, mostly secondary, at first, or were approved by nascent capitalism, with the capture of pre-capitalist forms of accumulation. In the struggles Policies after the 1930 movement, that is, from the stage in which the bourgeoisie already stood out as Hege Monica in the process, the accusations were frequent and repeated, to its most outstanding leaders, responsible for a conciliation with the conciliation with the Latifundium or with imperialism or with both. Conciliation, however, had objective and even historical causes, did not derive from psychological traits of such leaders. Academic sociology, in its conceptual confusion, generated the category “populism” to characterize the policy that the bourgeoisie of Senvolved, since 1930, evading, with this, not only those roots
historical as the large panel of class struggle. Behind the concrete was always the heavy inheritance of the compatibility and coeistence of our capitalism with the pre-capitalist forms inter and with imperialism. The so -called populism was, in fact, the way the Brazilian bourgeoisie sought support in the proletariat, rather than in the peasantry, for its political unimportance, to be able to perform its tasks. Such a covenant, which characterized the classical bourgeois revolution, was always absent here. And the archaic Brazil has always resisted, even with manifestations of strength, to this search for support, in its secular reactionaryism. And the lack of this support, on the other hand, has always defined the weakness of the Brazilian bourgeoisie. Academic conceptual confusion thus adopted, supposed to suppose ultra-revolutionary, the conservative and even reactionary position that sociologism has shown in our country. This study is purposely limited to the formation of capitalism in Brazil and the bourgeoisie. This formation ends, with the 1930 movement, prolonging effects until 1945, others until 1964. The later stage, when essential differences present themselves, and that “developmentalism” and the so -called “Brazilian model of development” are Processes of prominent importance, affecting capitalism and the bourgeoisie here, is for another study. It's another story, as Kipling would say.
Vargas and the development of capitalism in Brazil
Introduction The concepts of development and underdevelopment have been very false and therefore misunderstood in Brazil. Development was, at one point, the quantitative growth denounced by numerical indices, provided by economic statistics, some quite debatable. It is interesting to remember that economic plans - and there have been some of them over time - have always been based on such rates, invariably pointing to production growth in certain sectors. Never have these plans have included concern about problems that can effectively serve to scale national enrichment. The reduction of child mortality, for example, or the growth in the number of hospitals and schools. There has never been a plan to estimate, within a certain and short or long term, the number of schools to be built, the number of hospital beds, the expenditures with the technical or salaries research. It is that such plans were abstractions, that is, they deliberately unaware of the Brazilian people. And that's why they were limited to the purely economic level. The concept of underdevelopment has always been used as a way to show our ills, unaware of its causes. The bibliography of underdevelopment has grown in mind because the concept, which falsizes reality and evades its motives, has always been in the cogitations of economists and polycas, here and out here. It was discussed in all languages and studied in all universities. Sub -Development experts appeared. As politicians who made the developed the flag with which they presented themselves to the voters and the peoples appeared. Developmentalism became, in Brazil in particular and at one point, the magic formula that would announce the new times. But it was then viewed under the superficial aspect quoted of mere growth of indexes, encompassing the population as an empirical given, as if it were composed of one class. Of course
Developmentalism was a strategy of the bourgeoisie, at some point in the Brazilian historical process. He does not appear in this study. What appears here is the study of the advance of capitalist relations in Brazil, in the time of Vargas, that is, at the time its figure occupied the center of the events. More precisely, from the 1930 movement and even its suicide in 1954. Each time, of course, generates the figures that incarnate contradictions in process, positive as negative. Vargas embodies, in Brazil, the time of the development of capitalist relations. With one feature: this development was then directed, oriented, more than planned. And in it was present, with outstanding importance, the central character of the greatest leader that the Brazilian bourgeoisie generated. AND that she let it disappear so bitterly, at such a difficult phase. The study of the often underground process prevails here about the role of people. But it is evident that the character Cen Tral was Vargas, with his view of this process and the way he sought to intervene in him by acts of will. The historical phase that became known as the “Vargas era” actually pointed out the stormy growth of Capita List relations in Brazil. It is studied here with reference to the previous phase, in which pre-capitalist relations predominated, indentable references to the clarity of exposure. And he dismissed here what followed the fall of Vargas and his tragic death. What followed, really, in our history, has pointed out the tortuosities of deractions, that is, the achievement of certain numerical goals without alteration of archaic structures. The Kubitschek period in Brazil actually pointed out a unique change of direction and marked the foundations of what, later, would become the so -called “Brazilian development model” or “Brazilian miracle”, such as imperialism, tastily, fixed. The Kubitschek period was undoubtedly the Vargas antipoda, it was the transition phase in which it was certainly sought to generate an anti-national development model. It seeks that, in its beginning, it was also compatible with democratic political forms, within the Brazilian boundaries of the time, but soon required dictatorial forms of government, with the implementation of an obscurantist dictatorship, in which the rich is
richer and the poor were thrown at unprecedented grace levels here. The study is concerned with fundamental aspects of the process to, in the last chapter, to take care of the events of its final phase, in which Vargas suicide marks the greatness of the problem and the size of the articulated torpes to establish fullness, with Kubitschek , of what would be nicknamed “new .Class”, that is, a recent bourgeoisie, eager, hurried to build for tuna, shattering obstacles and unrestrained in the pursuit of profit. The traditional bourgeoisie, long prepared, disappears from the stage, giving way to this new bourgeoisie, of entirely diverse characteristics. The bourgeoisie, which finally comes to the conclusion that tolerance with the landlord and the covenant with imperialism did not give him the desired dividends and that, therefore, drives the rubble from the exhausted dictatorship to try to restore as a class. The Kubitschek period as the following period and that that preludia are not appreciated in this study. They are another story. A sad story, by the way.
Indeblapsed in a historical phase where external indebtedness assumes the proportions with which it is now present, as of the most characteristic aspects of the so -called “Brazilian development model”, it seems interesting to remember its early days, that is, its origins. This is simple exposure, naturally. A strict interpretation would demand the study of the different forms of exploitation of one country for another, of one area by another, and as, in the Brazilian case, they were used. How it would demand the study of the situation of our country, in each case, in each stage and its role in the international framework. The most common forms of exploitation of one country to another, from one area for another, are trade - by unequal exchange; the loans, of which the present summary is occupied; and the investment - which concerns the previously discussed problem of the remittance of profits. The historical survey would also require and with special work the analysis of the cyclical crises of capitalism, on a mun dial scale, and their effects transferred to the countries of colonial economy or dependent economy. The character of the independence of 1822 is clearly defined when the conditions under which it proceeded. One of these conditions was established by external indebtedness, initial, and not coincidentally, with autonomy. Less than two months after its proclamation effectively, British bankers proposed to the imperial government the granting of loan, in a position to be arranged. But it was after the dissolution of the first the constituent sembleia - an act of political violence to which a granted constitution would follow, both strokes conditioned by the color internal relationship of forces at the time of autonomy - that the loan was consumed, not with the initial proponents. It was actually two loans. The first, of 1,000,000 sterlin pounds, was hired on August 20, 1824, with several bankers. It was type 70, 1%amortizations, 30 -year period and with the guarantee of customs income.
The second, from £ 2,000,000, was hired on January 12, 1825: it was type 85 and with the other conditions identical to those of the first. But Brazil's total responsibility would, however, be 3,686,200 sterlin pounds, corresponding 1,333,300 to the first loan, and 2,352,900 to the second. In this case, curious details entered, which help to understand the situation of the time. One of them was related to the type: when mentioning type 70 loan, as the first already mentioned, this means, nothing more, nothing less, that Brazil would only receive from it 700 out of every 1,000 sterling pounds of the total against Tado. The difference between the total round and the broken total, of Brazilian responsibility, corresponds to the various fees charged by lenders: among them the percentage earned by the Brazilian denitels, two high holders of the Empire. The total was intended to pay the government's debt to Banco do Brasil and supply the budget deficit of 1821, except for the installment for interest and amortization of the so -called Portuguese loan, which we assume, as a result linked to negotiations for the recognition of the our indemnity for the metropolis. Loan worth £ 1,400,000, plus a balance of 400,000 pounds, which is to be paid by Brazil to Portugal. That is, we owed a part to the English banks and a part of our former Portuguese masters. We begin the national existence, so with indebtedness. And in the worst conditions; conditions that have been imposed on us. Imply that we owe to England, intermediate of everything - of autonomy, recognition and loans. In 1854, when our first loan should be settled - the 30 -year -old agreed deadline - it was actually amortized in just £ 513,000. Then there was the necessary extension for ten years with the burden of weight. After the ten years of extension in 1863, it was also impossible to pay. Then, the solution that became a routine Naria: a new loan, in the amount of 3,855,300 sterlin pounds, type 88, which came from the outset, is missed 2,357,900 sterlin pounds. The first Brazilian loan was only settled in 1890, already under republican regime: we paid 65 years of interest. The call
Portuguese loan forced us to take two new locks in 1843 and 1852. Without taking into account the 1852 loan remnant - which was long - we spent, for the settlement of the 1824 and 1825 commitments, the sum of 6,180 .195 sterlin pounds. Thus, such loans - designed to pay previous loans or internal debt - were excellent business lens for creditors only. Castro Carreira, in this regard: “As it turns out, this one in the way, contracted with the most serious conditions for the country, was almost all to satisfy the 1824 loan charges, which was made with better conditions, although the rate Interest was 4%, as it had to be paid on an almost double capital in the one that was received. ” He speaks of the 1829 loan, whose contract transcribes in full, such as those of the other loans of the Empire. Because the 1829 loan was taken to type 52, interest of 5%, 30 -year period, 1%amortization, guarantee of the customs of Rio de Janeiro. From it, Brazil received only 400,000 pounds. When protests were raised against such burdensome, Caldeira Brant, the negotiator, incidentally, from the 1824 Timo and Receiver, therefore, from the corresponding bonus, he proclaimed, with emphasis: “We have over two million square miles of uncultivated land and excellent, which we can sell. ” It was the logic of the ruling class, which entreprenered to independence. The conducting made a loan abroad, the 1839, already on the eve of the age of age, conservative political coup that remains Belecia the original conditions of autonomy, that is, the Bragantina Monarchy. Asceived to 411,200 sterlin pounds, type 76, interest of 5%, 30 -year period, 1%amortization. The net importance of this loan, in the order of 312,500 sterlin pounds, was all in London to meet previous loans. Already in July 1842 - After adulthood, therefore - the Brazilian and Portuguese governments signed a convention, a ratifying account adjustment of 1837, in which Brazil recognized to be late in paying the amounts that had committed to surrender to the old metro pole , for the recognition of independence. Thus, in addition to paying the autonomy to the former masters, we are as debtors, with all the resulting damage. It was, as it were, a man -sized independent.
With interest, that commitment rose to £ 622.702-1-3. It was therefore taken in London the 1843 loan, in the nominal amount of 732,600 sterlin pounds, type 85, interest of 5%, period of 20 years, having as a real guarantee “all the resources of Impé Rio and particularly the income of the Customs ”. There was an interesting detail, which Valentine Bouças would write down: “Just as in previous contracts, in this It was obliged to keep in deposit in London the importance of a semester of interest and half of the amount annually applied to their amortization. ” The creditors thus surrounded themselves with all the guarantees. There was a pause phase in indebtedness, pause necessary to restore credit abroad. This pause seems to have exacermed the impetus of the borrowers, as the following years know a number of external commitments. It was the straight map of the happiness chain. In 1852, Brazil contracted, always in London, loan in the amount of 954,250 sterlin pounds, type 95, interest of 4.5%, 30 -year. New loan was taken in 1858, now in the amount of 1,526,500 sterlin pounds, interest of 4.5%, type 95.5, 30 -year, with real value of 1,425,000 pounds and the particularity of being mentioned, For the first time, the end produced to its application: the endeavor and extension of the D. Pedro II railroad. Another loan was contracted in 1859, but it was a simple exchange of old titles for new, still in connection with the initial loans, now worth 460,000 sterling pounds. In 1860, the following year, therefore, we took another loan, in the nominal amount of 1,373,000 sterlin pounds, type 90, interest of 4.5%, period of 30 years, with a liquid of 1,210,000 pounds. The series would continue, in 1863, when we borrow 3,855,300 sterlin pounds, type 83, with liquid of 3,300,000 pounds. It was to pay “the remnant of £ 360,000 of the 1843 loan, winning on January 1864, with funds from the Treasury itself, which, until the departure of the packet, in August, refe would have currency for the integral liquidation of same. The redemption of the 1824-25 loan, whose titles were still in circulation, in the amount of £ 2,358,600, would be made through that already authorized operator.
It was the serialization of operations in which the essential note consisted of the close connection between loans, some were taken to pay others, and the trend was accentuated. Thus, in 1865, we took the loan of £ 6,963,600, type 74, interest of 5%. This year, the traditional bankers of Brazil, Rothschild and Brothers warned the imperial government, dryly: “In addition to the sum of £ 350,000, which the government owes us, £ 150,000 will be needed to pay the dividends of the near month; We also find that £ 200,000 will be accurate to satisfy the payment of the contracts already registered. We can, therefore, say that the imperial goal needs £ 700,000 to rescue immediate appointments. Even in ordinary times, we would hesitate to make this advance, but in the current state of the monetary market we must confess frankly that it does not enter our cogitations to promote that advance. ” It was strict tug of the ears of our usual creditors. Which, by the way, would continue to be. Useless reprimand, since in 1871, shortly after the war with Paraguay, we loan of £ 3,459,600, type 89, interest of 5%. And in 1875, another, even more vulpto, in the importance of £ 5.301.200, type 96.6, interest still 5%. And shortly thereafter, in 1883, a new loan, now £ 4,599,600, type 89 - which should have the deadline ended in 1921, but had titles in circulation at the 1944 heights. In 1886, new loan, and amount Vulto, of £ 6,431,000, type 95, interest of 5%, the same period equal to the previous one, that is, 38 - increased the total and increased the deadline in the second half of the century: the situation was approaching the climax. Already in 1888, the series was resumed: now in the amount of £ 6,297,300, type 97 and same conditions as the previous ones. Finally, as for the Empire, we contract in 1889 the loan of £ 19,837,000, in order to convert the ex -tender debts of 1865, 1871, 1875 and 1886, all of 5%interest in a new and single Loan, 4% interest and more extended deadline. The initial capital of the Empire loans, rescued or not, increased to £ 68.191.900; The sum of the rescued was £ 37,438,000. This was the inheritance of the Republic. Born of the womb of a slave and landlord monarchy, the republic continues
Nuaria the old ills. Society had not changed - there was no way to change the financial scam. Here, after the dry enumeration of the numbers, a minimum of analysis is appropriate. It is evident that indebtedness assumes a different character as it is processed in different stages. That is, the same phenomenon is different according to the context in which it is inserted, according to its history, in short. There are many ways, in obedience to such a precept, to group Brazilian loans and discriminate, in external indebtedness, steps of different characteristics. One of these ways would be the chronological, linked to important events in the historical process of the country. Considered such a way, we would have an initial period, practically that of the Empire, that We present sketch summary; A period, the following, already under republican regime, from the advent of the Republic to the 1930 movement, with the spider scheme of consolidation of foreign debt; The third period would be from that scheme until the beginning of the Kubitschek government, with the plan of goals and deliberate adoption of a policy of opening to foreign capital, cumulated of benefits and privileges; The last period would be from 1964, when the economic crisis and finance in Brazil leads to the political crisis, with the implementation of a dictatorship that efficiently serves foreign investments. It is a breakdown that obeys clear and certain parameters. It has disabilities, like all, but can, when less, help simply exposure, in the sense of clarity, provided that, to define the character of indebtedness, it would be indispensable to more accurately the historical process. Another way to divide time, with inconveniences and van tages, would be according to consolidation operations, the Funding: the first period would be closed with Funding-loan signed by Campos Sales in 1898, with the suspension of debt service; The second period would be understood between the first and third Funding-Loan in 1934 with the Spider scheme and a new suspension of debt service (without taking into account the second Funding-Loan, 1914); Hence the 1956 would be the third PE Riod; And since then our day, the room. Of any way, it is important to mention, although this is insufficient to characterize the first period of indebtedness, that this period
It is that of an still colonial economy, slave at almost all the time, and dependent, landowner, extensive, agricultural and exports, when the most used mechanisms internally are exchange, tax and customs. It is a period of capitalist accumulation, though slow. Debt is the way lenders appropriate a considerable portion of this accordion. Not the only way, in fact, because others, such as unequal exchange and investment also worked. The crisis of the republican regime in 1893 led to the first loan after the fall of the monarchy, an amount of £ 3,710,000, type 80, interest and usual deadlines. In 1895 the second would be effective, an amount of £ 7,442,000, with a liquid of £ 6,000,000, type 80, interest and usual deadline. In 1896 and 1897 two short -term operations were carried out: £ 1,000,000 for one year in France, redeemed on time; and of £ 2,000,000, for a period of two years in England, to rescue the previous one. In 1898, the infamous Funding-Loan was then operated on the character of the oligarchic republic, as the celebrated "policy of the governors." By agreement celebrates on June 15, 1898 with traditional Rothschild bankers and brothers, interest on all external loans and interest guarantees (such as railways, for example), due by the Brazilian government, would be paid in June in June From 1898 to 1901, not in cash but in consolidated securities (Funding Bonds) with interest of 5%, being suspended the amortization of this and all loans referred to the document for a period of thirteen years, and should only start over July 1911. The amount was £ 8,613,717, interest of 5%, 63 years, with the guarantee of customs income. The operation mentioned and comprised the loans of 1883, 1888, 1889, 1893 and 1895, in the total amount of £ 37,731,820 and the interest guarantees of various railways. The Brazilian government pledged not to take a new external loan before June 1901 and to pay quarterly interest. The operation was celebrated in every way. Campos Sales, who advocated a "austerity" policy, set out that he bought the opinion of the newspapers.
To this day, Murtinho, Minister of Finance of the Campos Sales Government, is presented as “Wizard of Finance” and his boss as a healing of Brazilian finances. The truth is precisely the opposite of this: the period Campos Sales represented the consecration of stagnation as foundation, the submission to foreign interests, the most elementary confusion of economic categories and financial mechanisms. For Murtinho, "progress could only be achieved through free trade, railway construction and austere monetary policies." For him, "industry was not viable in Brazil due to the racial inferiority of its inhabitants." In fact, “the short -term consequence of its 'reforms' was a banking panic in 1900, which almost destroyed the Brazilian monetary system gradually developed over the years. Several institutions have failed and even Banco do Brasil was threatened with definitive bankruptcy, being forced to suspend payments. ” Statistics prove, on the other hand, that The period of government of Campos Sales was that of the lowest industrial development rate here. Of lowest capitalist accumulation rate, for all reasons. A national calamity that the historiography, including the economic, naturally, has celebrated as a "miracle". Miracle was the survival of Brazil, after the calamity. It is curious to remember that Murtinho, like all his successors in "miracles", already predicted against "the insidious infiltration of socialism." It was a precursor, like his admirers and followers of anti -communism, elixir opiate with which the naive are mistaken. Those who minister him are always forgiveness of an economic policy that makes the rich richer and the poor poorest. Brazil has known them very well. For despite the commitments mentioned in Funding-Loan, as soon as the prohibition period for new loans abroad, and in the government of Campos Sales and Murtinho, Brazil took the July 1901 loan, in the amount of £ 16,919,320 , type 83, 61 years, interest of 4%, loan that took the name of Rescission because it was intended for the acquisition of railways that enjoyed the guarantee of interest. Already at that time, because we were taken to the purchase of old iron, operation, as we know, widely used later and that culminated with that of The Leopoldina
Railway, a railway rail that provided constant damage and did not make transport in the Dutra government. In 1903, Brazil took a new loan, in the amount of £ 8,500,000, in two series, types 90 and 97, interest of 5% and 30 -year period. In 1906, another loan of £ 1,000,000, type 96, 10 -year, interest of 5%. In 1908, the loan was £ 4,000,000, type 96, interest of 5% and 10 years. In 1908 and 1909 loans were made in two series, Paris and Francos Papel, totaling 100,000, interest of 5% and 50 years. In 1909, Brazil took a new loan in Francos, now Franco Ouro, 40,000,000, type 95.25, interest of 5% and a period of 50 years. In 1910, we took no less than three on the outskirts abroad: the first of 100,000 Gold Francs, type 84, 50 -year, interest rate of 4%; the second of £ 10,000,000, type 87.5, interest of 5%, 57 years; The third of £ 1,000,000, type 90, interest of 4% and 12 years. In 1911, Brazil took two loans: the first, of £ 4,500,000, type 92, interest of 4% and a period of 16 years; The second, 60,000,000 of Gold, type 83, 6 years. In 1912, new loan, now £ 2,400,000, type 83, interest of 4% and 60 years. Bank deposited in London, he was forgotten by the bankruptcy of the establishment. In Volume XV of the Annex Publishes, there is the history of this Gigan Tesca Falcatrua, whose last episode is from 1935, when the Minister of Finance determined payment to that bank of certain compensation, in which “those who presented themselves as creditors And with the right to compensation were the ones responsible for the loss of £ 1,001,992-3-2, corresponding to more than 60,000 short stories, so frided by Brazil with the bankruptcy of The Russian Commercial and Industrial Bank at the Russian Revolution. ' In 1913, we loan again in London, in the amount of £ 11,000,000, interest of 5%, type 97 and 40 years. This sequence, sometimes in the accelerated cadence of more than one loan a year, would be culminated with the second Funding-loan in 1914- sixteen years after the first. It was about reforming previous loans taken between 1883 and 1911, all in an amount of £ 14,502,396, interest of 5%for a nominal of £ 15,000,000. The amortization of all loans,
Excluding the 1914, it would be suspended for 13 years, from August 1, 1914 until July 31, 1927. The guarantee was the customs income, although already linked, as such, to previous loans not included in the operation. It was the second time that debt service was suspended, and only partially. In 1916 Brazil did not contracted a timeline, rigorously, but assumed the responsibility of the Mortote debt of the Goiana Railroad, in the amount of 25,000,000 Gold Francs, with interest of 5%, whose payment was suspended between 1916 and 1922. In order not to disturb the progress of negotiations for fusing after the 1930 movement, the third, our government was good to pay this loan in FRANCOS Ouro, because it was condemned to the railway by the French justice. We passed the nineteenth century, almost entirely, linked to London Square, where we had most of the loans, almost all with the bankers Rothschild and Brothers, and arrived at the end of the century seeking Paris Square. After 1 .® World War, we would begin to attend New York's Square - the dollar would become the constant currency in our outwards. This occurred in 1922, with a loan of $ 50,000,000, type 90, Interest of 8%, the highest required, and the guarantee, unlike what was being required, was, first, the income of consumer and seal income, secondly the customs income. Interest, in fact, were even higher, reached 9%, and the deadline was 20 years. According to Bouças, “the bankers retain in their power, to their time and indefinitely, $ 1,362,500. On the other hand, the Treasury Charges increased because it continued to pay interest that, by the contract, should already be redeemed and that were not due to the impossibility of its acquisition for the contractual price. ” The circulation of such a loan, obeyed the contract, should not, in late 1931, exceed $ 22,000,000, but represented $ 31,353,000, a difference of about $ 10,000,000, with very high annual interest. To commemorate the centenary of independence marked by the costly loan of 1824 and more the so -called “loan
Portuguese ”, we took three external loans in 1922: Pri Meiro, of £ 9,000,000, interest of 7.5%, 30 -year, was taken to a consortium of American and English banks, having, as guarantee, The pledge of 4,535,000 bags of coffee (which were worth more than $ 13 million at the time); The second, in the amount of $ 25,000,000, interest of 7%, 30 -year -old, type 91, was taken in New York; The third, in the amount of 14,850,500 francs, type 90, interest of 5%, 30 years, was taken in Paris. We were diversifying, as would be said later. Worse: how would you be done later, and a lot. But the dollar would be, in the twentieth century, the currency of which we served us, or would be used for us. For already in 1926 we would take another loan of $ 60,000,000, type 83, interest of 6.5%, 30 -year. The guarantee was, in this case, new: pledge of the signed income and account tax. The following year, 1927, we returned to London, taking the loan of £ 8,750,000, type 88, interest of 6.5% and 30 -year period, completed by another, taken in New York Square, in the amount of . 41,500,000 dollars, with the same interest rate, as they were in the United States, from the outset, $ 4,357,611, "for payment of warfare repairs." Victorious the 1930 movement-an important episode of the bourgeois revolution in our country-was about facing the calamitous situation, aggravated by the 1929 crisis and its reflexes in the Brazilian economy. The solution was to march for another Funding, the third. We started, as early as 1931, with the suspension of debt service, starting studies to calculate its total amount and the way to liquidate it. The author of the report says, that is, the rapporteur of the committee in charge of such studies, textually: it was impossible, however, the realization of this purpose. They were not filed, in the office in charge, the contracts of federal external loans. Of the operations done, and still in circulation, were collected only eight deals! The real shipments of the shipments were also ignored. The Treasury usually made transfers to the notes provided by the agents of the interested bankers themselves. There was no regular federal foreign debt accounting. The situation, in the part of states and municipalities, was sowing or even worse.
This is not text of some malevolent commentator; It is an official document of the Brazilian government. It was the diagnosis of the profound and prolonged maze of imperialism had led us, with the active connivance of the ruling class in power. This floor had made from Brazil the paradise of international loan sharking, working systematically and even creating a tradition. Unfortunately, the tradition that denounces the composition of imperialism with the internal forces to which the ruling class had delegated the preservation of its interests. It was a financial orgy where the easy solution for seizures, repeated with each step, was in the deceiver, in the most costly conditions, always transferring the payment. In this sense, the oligarchic republic followed the trail that the Empire had opened: it was the same ruling class, except slave vision. The same document advanced scandalous details: the analysis of these contracts and that of the use of their product revealed facts that showed the neglect that some administrators voted for the public cause. Generally, the conditions of the loans made were very costly, not only by the interest rate, the type in which they were launched, by the distributed commissions, but also for the insertion of vexatous clauses. A clause of one of these contracts gave the banker the right to, in the event of non -payment of interest, to charge, by his own hands, the taxes and, to this end, was the administration forced to deliver all his lanching books ; in another, one state forced itself to deliver the determination, chosen by the Banker, part of the product of the loan for certain works. And it was so suitable that firm that went bankrupt and the state, despite having spent high importance, could not see those work. The faithful and scandalous portrait of the situation would contain the exposure of motives presented by the Minister of Finance to the Head of the Provisional Government. Some of their excerpts are so expressive that they dispense with comments. It was necessary to find a solution, and one people, who understood “all the Brazilian debt, without exclusions harmful to our good international name,” said, Preliminary Mind, the farm holder. But “the difficulties to overcome such an operation, involving all Brazilian loans, reaching all international monetary markets,
With a general reduction, albeit equitable, of the payments, they were considered to be considered irremovable. However, the government was not left to the government. Brazil wanted to get out of the situation of the third Funding not for a similar operation. ” The document, a libel foundation that the country should know, but which remains practically unknown, at least of the people, was beginning to denounce the essence of the problem: “We could not continue to use this work, adding our debts with the issuance of new titles selling interest to pay overdue interest. It was also not possible to make any agreement, besides our real possibilities. ” The emphasis added, of course, of the original. But there was still more serious aspect: “The causes of the new agreement, exposed in their general lines, still had stronger reasons. Brazil has never paid their loans with their own resources. He has always made new loans to keep the old ones. The balances of your trade balance never allowed you to cover the scale of accounts. ” Now the trade balance, at the time, as it was with most countries, had always been declining since the beginning of the crisis. The Minister of Finance thus detailed the problem, regarding the debt service: “The balances of 1931/32 and 1933 were taken to correct the situation left in 1930, of large and backwards, to maintain the services of funds, São Paulo loans from coffee and some states and government expenses abroad. It was necessary to order the use of this balance, employing it less dispersively and more in accordance with national interests. ” He then moved to the summary balance of debt and defined the gigantic expansion that Brazil had been a victim: in contos de réis, Brazil received 10 million m/m, paid 8 and a half million, and still owes capital almost 10 Millions, not to mention the interest service. [...] We take a loan mo £ 411,418,254, we pay £ 179,951,871 and we should still £ 251,466,383, capital in circulation. The reality is that, by Gondo debts with new debts, our policy what it did was increase these debts rather than diminish them. Fundings themselves are but expedients, devices used to postpone payments without issuing securities that are practically new loans.
This is the situation in which Brazil went to the third Funding, which consisted, by agreement with the creditors, in issuing titles, for a period of three years, from 1931, which ended in October 1934. We should start over Paying debt service which, added to that of the third Fun Ding, budget at about £ 23,017,000. Since the country does not display conditions to do so, it was decided that our availability of the order of £ 8,600,000 was intended for the amortization of all creditors. The suspension of debt service was also established. The rules set forth in the phase in which Oswaldo Aranha presided over the financial businesses were resumed by his successor, Sousa Costa. Thus, those downloaded in February 1934 I had to be reviewed as early as November 1937, when the Estado Novo implies: the debt service was suspended again. In March 1940, the Government lowered new instructions, regarding the problem, still by understanding with external creditors: the payments established by the so -called Forgo MA Aranha, in 1934, were relegated by about 50%, and the period of validity of the New rules have been fixed in four years. A revision of the new scheme was planned for 1943. Decrees of November 1943 and April 1944 stipulated the new conditions to which the debt service would obey. In October 1945, when Vargas was deposed, the Ministry of Finance clarified that its administration, from 1930, had reduced the outstanding balance of our external commitments of £ 267,173.023. Whereas, really, the third Funding and its complements were operations designed to alleviate the load corresponding to the very heavy service of debt, both its Initial measures, in 1931, such as the complementary, 1944, can serve to define the end of a period regarding the problem of the indebly external. The simple sequence of numerical information, purely quantitative, but does not represent the easier way to understand the phenomenon. The indebtedness of the first period, closed either with the Republic, either with the first Funding in 1898, corresponds to a very different world of the one that color responds to the debt of the second period, ended with the 1930 movement and the beginning of the measures taken by
Minister Oswaldo Aranha, whether with later and complementary understandings, due to Minister Sousa Costa, that is, the third Funding and its complements. In the first period, really, on a world scale, it was capitalist expansion, including colonial and dependent on unequal trade and loans, starting investments. It is the pre-imperialist phase, which finds Brazil as the economic and financial province of England; Libra is the universal currency, essentially affecting Brazil. The economic structure of our country is profoundly marked by still colonial traits, moving to the dependence stage: the slave regime prevails in almost this period, production is agricultural, extensive, landlord and export, sources of public revenue are few And little diverse, the most discussed problems are the exchange, very linked to the export of coffee, and tariff, which motivates the controversy between protectionist and free kickers. The second period, instead, is that of changes, albeit slow at first, of that structure, appearing, particularly after they break into 1 .® World War and the 1929 crisis, an internal process of accumulation that does not cease to grow, mainly marked by the growth of industrial production and the internal market. It is a phase characterized by import replacement, wage labor growth, deepening primitive accumulation, diffusion, in the Brazilian extension, particularly in the south and southeast, closer to the coast, of capitalist relations. The bourgeois revolution in Brazil begins its stormy and difficult process. In the international level, it is the imperialist phase, marked parked by World War II and the US Revolution and the passage of the United States to the foreground. The dollar is the international currency. Our indebtedness is in dollars, the portions in pounds represent the remnants of the indebtedness of the Empire and some of the Old Republic, without elongated in costly reforms, which the creditors do not monsters in a hurry to shorten, served by fat interest. There is no possibility of comparing one period and another, the indebted
the first of the first with the debt of the second. They are different worlds. And Brazil is also different: it changed a lot from the nineteenth century to the first half of the twentieth century. It is now an economic and financial province of the United States. But capitalism is in its general crisis phase and competition, its characteristic of the expansion phase, gave way to concentration and monopolism. With intervals of a quarter of a century, he articulated L.A and 2. “World War. Finally, it must be noted that Brazil, between 1930 and 1945, practically did not assume responsibilities for external loans. On the other hand, external investments were considerably reduced. It is a phase of significant changes in capitalizing accumulation here. She takes great pulse and has political conditions that help her. Legislation, at various levels and shapes, protects industry and is based on its development. Not by simple coincidence, the reduction of external loans and the development of National Econo Mia are parallel processes. The Brazilian economy, thus, not only is it established but it reappears in the internal accumulation and in the domestic market. It is, for all this, the embryonic stage of an authentic national formation, which will be difficult to make little ahead. The slave and pre-capitalist Brazil of the first period is giving way to Brazil bourgeois of the second period, of developing capitalism, configuring a dependent formation as well as, in the whole, there are still forces of delay in operation and even growing: part of accumulation It is oriented for them. Imperialist exploitation, without abandoning the roads of commerce and loan, is now shorter, in the second period, it is fundamentally valid from the Investment route. The problem of protectionism almost disappears from the stage, no longer arouses passionate controversies as before; The problem that assumes this plan is that of the exchange rate, while, still unquestionably, the remittance of profits appears abroad. Of course this problem of remittance of profits - which is processed In the currency of the country of origin of investments - it is beginning to be discussed, and in a lack of way, from the third period, among those considered here for the purposes of didactic clarity. Linked to that of investments, divides opinions, but begins
penetrating the expert area after invading the political area. The problem of investments really has such as loans, deep bonds with indebtedness. Every policy, and notably all economic policy, it is important to distinguish who wins and loses. For those who suffer and politics is always judged for its effects, not by intentions, however, things are not always clear, even when the effects are blunt. Therefore, some clarifications should always prevent them from being not intended for knowledge. When one country lends to another, or invests in another - failing here to discuss the distinction between the state and the infamous private initiative - it must be paid or paid in the currency of origin and not in the destination coin. The English, who were the majority creditors of Brazil, in the nineteenth century, were mainly paid in pounds. In pounds the loans were paid, in pounds were the remittances of their profits in Brazil. Such pounds, our country won them in trade exchange. This is the bond that is established between the exchange of goods - trade balance - and currency payments - balance of payments. Those who must, consequently, have to sell more than to buy abroad and earn a currency difference in exchange, the currency with which it must satisfy debt payments or their service. Debt service are the remittances period the debtor country makes the creditor country in its currency in currency. This service usually comprises interest and amortization. Thus, the definition of foreign capital is very simple - the economic definition, because the legal definition falsizes reality, to confuse the victims - and brief: foreign capital is one that remunerates in foreign currency. The relationship between currencies is established by the exchange rate, hence the relationship between exchange and indebtedness, such as the relationship between exchange rate and remittance of profits from foreign investments. When one country devalues its currency in relation to another, foreign - and it is always in relation to another, the currency established as universal, or of area, that it ceases -, it will pay more for what it buys abroad and the Sell cheaper what exports.
Thus, currency devaluation, as a rule, favor exporters and disadvantage importers. Or, better: they favor companies that export - individuals do not expose TAM - allowing them to compete with similar goods from other sellers, and make imported goods more expensive. At the time of the empire, Brazil mattered everything, but everything - what to eat, what to wear, what to put on, furniture, crockery, utensils - and exported few goods. Export, and its profits, were concentrated; Import was burned all those who lived in market economy here. The gearbox is one of the oldest and used forms of income transfer: of those they have for those who consume. In the nineteenth century, not just indebtedness was excessive. It was constantly added by the exchange rate, in an economy that, for the benefit of coffee, that is, of those who produced and eating it, pressed to the low. The lower the exchange rate, the higher the profits of these and the greater the debt and debt service. For all this - and without understanding all this it is impossible to evaluate what indebtedness represents - is that the simple presentation of data does not allow to evaluate the weight of the extraordinary burden that Brazil, that is, the Brazilian people, carried and how how Its capitalist accumulation was difficult. The third period in the history of Brazilian foreign debt, between range 1931-1934 and 1956, when the fourth and last one, which we do not deal with here, begins, in relation to the previous ones, profound changes in form and background. From the bottom because it is linked to the world after the 2* World War and particularly the international structure established by the so -called Bretton Woods agreements, in which the United States set the rules that would obey the countries of the so -called Western and Christian area, that is,, The area that its imperialism explored, reserving this exploitation. It is the structure we are watching to collapse now. So that the policies of foreign debt disappear. The loans, and the consequent indebtedness, are under different garment. This does not only happen compared to Brazil, but universal. As early as 1934, in order to enable German and Japanese competition in the world, the United States created a powerful financial instrument, the Recembank.
After World War II, those competitors and impoverished the allies themselves on the day before - Most of them submitted to the therapy of marshalization - two other financial instruments that would play a prominence of loans and investments emerged: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (Bird) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), this destined particularly to solve the problems of international transfers. The loan policy system disappeared - to continue to circulate remnants of the time they had been in force - new loans appear, characterizing a new type, of new quality, by the Business countries. From here, and for lack of another exit, the information elements are documents of the extinct Sumoc, predecessor of the Central Bank, despite the doubts that they may mention. As the investments, whose registration, organized by the Central Bank, is relatively recent, hence that is precarious any and all assessment of its amount, the statistics of loans supports very large margin of error. To study their system and their effects and qualities, however, such errors lack significance because they only affect the quantitative dimension. According to Sumoc, and according to the data recorded therein, Brazilian deals, in dollars, in late 1956, rose just over two billion - of which 1,207.3 million originated from the United States - with a Brazilian debt balance of the Order of one billion and three hundred and fifty million dollars. Compared to today's debt - mid -1989 - it was an irregular amount, as it turns out, of course, in quantitative terms. Of those two billion, Empimbank had supplied 774 million, Bird and IMF supplied 277 million, and private entities provide 960 million (the difference between the sum of the installments and the total previously presented is due to rounding only). The total to pay at the end of 1956 - to help retain: Beginning of the Kubitschek government - is considered here for the purposes of fixing the period only, as new loans succeeded, but already referring to the fourth period. From the referred data, it appears that about 70% of the loans were therefore of American government origin. This is to mean that they are
Things that add to their financial dimension a political dimension, sometimes expressed from the public. Many of these loans were intended for North American companies established in Brazil. For example: fifty million financing of two subsidiaries of the Electric Bond and Share (Ebasco); About seventy millions borrowed to ICOMI, a subsidiary of Bethlehen Steel Corporation, explorer of Amapá's mi -neral riches. The biggest loan from the requirement of an official Brazilian official, Banco do Brasil, worth $ 300 million, was intended for the liquidation of “delayed commercial”, that is, were in the United States. The requirement, even for a specific purpose, has never gone from a financier of their country's trade. Thus, it opened credit to Brazil, under certain interest, deadline and amortization conditions, but that does not mean that the pity came here. It was, so simply, the bank that the bank made to US exporting companies, almost always the producers themselves, advance that was debited to us. This established the bond between the loan and those in US prey. Therefore, it was not a delivery to Brazil - government or national private companies - from a certain amount of dollars, for employment chosen here. It was just a matter of funding US exports. As we were always overdue with the payment of with the Overseas, the chain of happiness that was known in the time of the Empire and even in the Old Republic, particularly at the time of the Libra. In 1954 alone, we took two loans, totaling eighty million dollars, now at Federal Reserve Bank, for the arrangement of "discovered currency that threatened to accumulate." The commercial problem was repeated-a trademark of the unequal exchange-which would be a tractural problem: we did not reach, in the exchange of goods, the amount of foreign currency, the dollar in the case-like the pound before-, sufficient to meet the debt service. We took new loans for this. It was already a tradition and had only changed the creditors. Interest rates were variable between 3.5% and 5.75%. Stop hundreds low, but they weren't. The deadlines varied, from short to Lonos, these between 15 and 20 years. The important thing is that they were prolonged
By renovations, rescaliona (in an expression that has become common, among national finance managers) and new deals. The loans of the Eximbank, between 1940 and 1955, began, in the early years, at the level of $ 50 million, to reach 140 million, in 1952, and 310 million, in 1953. It should be noted that they are The years of the last Vargas government, which land in the crisis of August 1954. The lowest level occurred in 1946, with only 115 million. There were still impositions, interference, demands of all the order. At one point, the US magazine U.S. News & World Report mentioned that two thirds of loans of more than $ 150 million, granted by the Requank to Brazil, would be approved “if and when Brazil establishes the echoing order in its home ”. Another loan, intended for rail transport here, would be granted according to a particular source, provided that "Brazil detaches these political slack and consolidates all rail services in one effective company". Another requirement was regarding the number of employees on the Iron Network Via. In 1956, a joint statement signed by the two governments stipulated, as a condition of the loan, in negotiations, “the heart [through Brazil] to the maximum of national and foreign private capital”. What's more, “the adoption [throughout Brazil] of a general policy of molding to encourage the participation of North-Ame Rican citizens in the economic development of Brazil”. By the end of 1956, Bird credits to Brazil arrived just over $ 194 million, with a uniqueness: 109 million were destined to the Brazilian Traction Group (Light obtained three ledies, always guaranteed by the Brazilian government, granted, granted By the Bird directly to the matrix in Canada and the recessioned to its subsidiaries here) but, in the discrimination of SUMOC, it is contained as Canadian loans. Sad of those who do not check what is behind official statistics. The present historical summary of Brazilian indebtedness would be harmed without reference to the process known as “debt service”. As such is the systematic system of exchange rates designed to pay interest and amortizations of contracted and accumulated loans. Currency were obtained by trade balance balances when they existed, and normally. At
As the indebtedness grew, debt service Torva was heavy, then unbearable, imposing agreements with Crees, Fundings or even suspension of payments. The Brazilian endorsement, in the first period and part of the second, was particularly aimed to cover the trade balance deficits. Such deficits, taken in decades and millions of tales of réis, values of the time, grew from 2.2-in the decade 1821-30-to 3.8-in the decade 1831-40; and to 5.3-in the decade 1841-50. This means that, not finding the balances in the currencies necessary for debt service, the departure was in bringing new loans, that is, increasing the amount of the debt. This is effectively 2.7 million réis tales, in the decade 1831-40, to 3.8 said, in the following decade. Therefore, and if we convent the index 100 to the year 1825, it passed to index 90, in 1850, but because told in foreign currency, in pounds in the case. In national currency, by contrast, it goes from index 100, of 1825, to index 163, in 1850. decreases in foreign currency and grows in national currency, therefore. This is by virtue of currency devaluation. Such devaluation increases the amount of debt and its service, imposing new loans and therefore increased debt. This deformation grows in the second half of the century, with the particularity that we get commercial balances. But now customary business balances do not solve the situation, and foreign debt continues to grow and their service to weigh more and more. In the initial three decades of the second half of the nineteenth century-a phase of great development of the Brazilian economy, despite slavery-the trade balance was negative in 11.6 million contos de réis, in the first (1851-60), but was positive in 18.9 million contos de réis, in the second (1861-70), and 34.3 said, in the third (1871-80). It turns out that, in the first of these decades, to the portion of 11.6 million contos de réis, we must add the negative portion of 5.3 million contos in the debt service. In the second decade (1861-70), when there is a commercial balance of 18.9 million tales, we have to deduce from it 12 million to debt service (63%). In the third (1871-80), when the commercial balance ascends to 34.3 million, the debt service absorbs 16.7 million
(49%). That is, of every two libras of balance, one is intended for return to England, to pay for interest on loans, which are not growing, as the new loans exceed 4.1 million short stories, in the decade of 1851-60, to 9, in the decade 1871-80. In the second period, when it was expected, with the ending of 1898, that things would get better, it continued. The visible trade balance, in millions of sterling, went from average 11, in 1899-1903, to average 15, in 1919-1923, but the foreign debt passed, respectively, from 54 to .124. The annual trade balance average from 1919 to 1923 shows a 38% increase over that of 1899-1903, while foreign debt has an increase of 129%. The quota of amortization and interest, of the order of £ 10,000,000 in 1924, increased more than double in the following years. Debt service thus becomes the fundamental problem for those responsible for national business. There is a moment from which so -called currency, when obtained by the balance in the exchange of goods, are now absorbed in a huge percentage for the debt service. Dialectically, the qualitative change arises, with the opposite repainting, when the impossibility of continuing is found. In the various periods when we divide Brazilian indebtedness, this has occurred, assuming different physio in each case. We are now facing, new mind, one of those moments, when it becomes impossible to continue. The departure of new loans - and the statement that such in the services, when they are credited to the origin, are balances - exhausted their possibilities. Of course, this happened due to the proportions that the phenomenon presented, particularly when the economic and financial orgy of the dictatorship imposed in 1964 and the end of the dictatorship in 1968, when there were no limits to the mischief: under the mild guise of political repression, bad The traces of an economic policy brought to the end of the tendency to transfer profits to the outside appeared, concentrating them within those related to what was here. An exhibition, albeit summary, of these apparent inats - in fact, a cold, meticulous, systematic operation - escapes the possibilities of this text. Needs specific treatment. It is another story.
Crisis and Modança Consequence of the 1929 capitalist crisis, on the one hand, and of a particular conjuncture, resulting from internal conditions, on the other, the 1930 movement in Brazil - conventionally treated as a revolution - corresponded to the significant change in the country's politics. It was from this movement, in whose preparation it was committed, that the figure of Getúlio Vargas, central character of the Brazilian life for a quarter of a century, arose. Vargas and the 1950 movement were perfectly combined: the movement was an important stage of bourgeois rise in the country, revealing the development here of capitalist relations, and Vargas would affirm himself as the greatest people that the Brazilian bourgeoisie has known, a shrewd interpreter of their needs and their yearnings. Between 1930 and 1954, when he committed suicide, in spectacular decis, he paralyzed those who intended to overthrow him, Vargas entertained with extreme ability the storm that has marked the advance of capitalist relations in Brazil, that is, the profound resistance here of the forces of delay. Its dramatic end and the document that defines it politically, the tasting letter- an anti-riotic libel of unusual denunciating violence- on the other hand, the historical stage characterized mainly by the accommodation between the capitalist advance and the imperialist penetration in Brazil . Vargas, in the first place, was, in political and unheardly, the advisor and almost always the policy of the policy called, by virtue of circumstances, conciliation, the skill of his maneuvers, the flexibility of his decisions and, Currently, by the possibility, at the time, the coexistence between the growth of national capital and their income, on the one hand, and the remuneration of foreign investments and their penetration, on the other hand. From his death, the accommodation will be condemned, concentration will be closed. Exceeded the short period of interimity of Vice President Café Filho, who completed the period for which Vargas had been elected, reaches the Presidency Juscelino
Kubitschek and defines, particularly in his goals plan- allegedly designed to make the Brazilian economy advance father years in five- a deliberate option: the option for imperialism. The goals plan really was essentially based on the massive entry of foreign investments, strong mind subsidized by the Brazilian state. Immediately, such an option opens a period of stormy political storm that will culminate, in 1964, with the collapse of the current regime in the country and implementation of an undemocratic regime. In 1954, with Vargas's suicide, therefore, he does not die only a man, a prominent personality of Brazilian public life - a policy ended. It is important, therefore, to examine the picture in which this personality stood out, so that such a quarter of century became known as the "Vargas era." In the inter -national framework, it is the moment of the 1929 crisis, which has effects on extended world area and which, in Latin America, causes the established situations to overthrow and institutes a phase of prolonged insability. The general crisis finds correspondence, of course different degrees of intensity, in each of the continent's countries, all gravitating in the American orbit, with the Argentine parking of the bond with England. In this case, they function, for the forms that assumed the repercussion of the crisis in each country, the mechanisms for the transfer of effects of seizures, transferring to dependent areas, or colonial areas, a ponderable portion of their losses. In each country, in turn, the ruling class operates mechanisms that transfer the burden to the classes that provide the work. A witty essayist, later, demeated all this from socialization of the damage. Of course, this also corresponded to a concentration of profits. The Brazilian case had very particular characteristics, as to such a process, since its economic structure was changing, moving from the stage of “essentially agricultural”, as it was often said, to justify its delay, to a stage industrial. Such a passage had accelerated with the world war that, by interruption of supplies external to the Brazilian market, had boosted the replacement of imports. The war had functioned as a customs barrier. The growth of the domestic market and the need to supply it stimulated the delay of an industrial park based on the production of goods
Consumer, light industry, small but constantly developing companies. It happened, a few years earlier, progressive transfer of income from the area of traditional agriculture products to expose, notably coffee, to other agriculture products, but already in the category of raw materials, and particularly for the industry. The 1929 crisis, with all its negative effects, brought a second moment of impetus to the National Park of Industries, accelerating that income transfer, since the crisis had hurt the exporting area of agricultural products that, in political terms, was conservative. Thus, the Brazilian particular, regarding the crisis, allowed the country to emerge from it even before the most developed world areas, before the United States, center of gravity and focus of origin of the crisis. And emerge with a different economic and financial configuration. War, as first moment, and the crisis, mainly, represented times when the advance of capitalist relations accelerated in Brazil with profound political and social effects. With the movement of 1930 and the end of the so -called Old Republic, at the political level; and the bourgeois rise and growth of the small bourgeoisie and the proletariat at the social level. A new social structure begins to function, really, when contradictions get worse and begin to develop at a new pace. It is the beginning of the “Vargas era”. It is interesting to check the picture presented by Latin America, when this happens. It should be remembered that since the colonials have the continent, in the southern part, has been shared, and repained almost half: half of South America is of Spanish origin, the other half is of Portuguese origin. Since those times, too, and now covering the whole of America, the Spacella area has maintained mainly on the Pacific and the Caribbean, with gravity centers in Mexico and Peru, only appearing in the Atlantic area to Argentina, with a prominent role In the nineteenth century, when the Portuguese area leaned over this ocean, a fundamental space of exchanges with European markets. There was, for all this, a tradition of dispersal, distance, isolation between Brazil, on the one hand, and the Spanish countries of the continent, on the other hand. Of course this trait was severely fed by the metropolises, because
Divide them allowed them to better explore their colonies, and was also fed by the fact that England-which presided over the independence movement of Ibero-American peoples in the early nineteenth century-would make its traditional covenant, or the predominance thus baptized, with Portugal, an alliance with Brazil, making it an intervention instrument in the neighboring countries of Spanish origin. Everything that Brazilian official historiography knows as a “platinum question” is just the series of episodes that mark the role played by Brazil as a prosecutor of British co -merchants. What is intended to be stressed, with the mention of this historical past, is the traditional meaning of distancing between Latin-American countries, when not hostility, treated separately each by political or economic metropolises and those that would influence the most In its destinations, since the late nineteenth century, the United States. These countries have never reached the minimum level of common policy, given those metropolises. What is conventionally known as Pan Americanism, In the twentieth century, Washington's protection of protection has never passed a diplomatic formula on a kind of yard, in which each was treated appropriately when the fundamental problems, brought to the Plenary in the OAS, an entity only intended for consecration is evil. The Argentina, who greatly extended its ties with England and has remained in the Pan American ensemble, in a discreet position, had this discrepant role ended after the 2nd World War. However, the beginning of the “Vargas era” marks the appearance of an initiative designed to break and shot with this tradition of distancing between the Latin American nations. The approximation of Brazil with Argentina was a step in this regard, a step still hesitant when the government of General Fair in that country, which preceded the Vargas-Beaning phase initiatives, against whose approximation imperialism triggered terrible campaign. All attempts from the first period of the Vargas government - between 1930 and 1 9 4 5 - were fiercely stigmatized and none of them had a practical consequence. Latin American countries continued as suppliers of food and raw materials and consumed of finished products, paying losses of what the economy would baptize, in our day, the deterioration of exchanges, for ascension
continuous prices of these and constant fluctuations of the prices of the Quelas. Who could dream at that time with a non-oil OPEC? One of the fundamental aspects of the development of capitalist relations in Latin American countries, in general, and of Brazil in particular, lies in heterocronia in relation to the development of capitalism at the world level: while in this, capitalism has entered its phase Of general crisis, in those countries he crosses initial steps, by virtue of the law of unequal development. The central and originating areas of capital development-Europe and the United States-command a constellation of dependent areas, where emerging capitalist relations are traveled and coexisting with traditional pre-capitalist relations, anchored in their colonial past. In Brazil, for the deepest understanding of the Caixalist advancement, it must not be forgotten the validity of four centuries of slavery, extinguished when the nineteenth century approached the end - in the recent past, therefore. This slave inheritance greatly affects not only the characteristics of the Brazilian bourgeoisie but also, and especially, the characteristics of its proletariat, mostly recruited in the countryside. Now, in the countryside, in the crushing May, the cases of Latin American countries, the historical inertia, the presence of the past, prominently configured in the Nopolio of the Earth. Without agrarian reform, really, it cannot be freely developing capitalism in such countries. In them, really, the development of capitalism is filed with the delay in current relations in the field and the intensity of imperialist action. The Brazilian bourgeoisie, of recent formation, lives contradictions associated with this double aspect, this double pressure. Now, if she finds no condition to even resolve the internal diction - with the landlord - which narrows the internal market, she finds even greater difficulties to resolve the external contradiction, with imperialism. It is present, for her, throughout her development, the threat represented by her inseparable acolyte, the proletariat. Hence the fact that the said democratic institutions- reformants, in the countries of advanced economy, of a distant and consolidated historical stage- suffer in Latin America from Vigen-
Difficult, troubled, dotted of political crises, usually follows the brief periods of relative freedom, wide periods of authoritarian regimes, military-based in most cases. Hence the insistence of imperialism to ensure control of the military apparatus of dependent countries to use it in its benefit in the preservation of its interests in these countries. The imperia there is therefore sufficient conditions, so far, to maintain divided and even conflicting the countries of the continent. To justify an identity - which, in fact, does not exist, much to the contrary - between the United States, on the one hand, and the American countries of Iberian origin, on the other hand, it is indispensable to create a common external enemy, a threat to All from outside the continent. This threat may be war, in some cases. In the last there is POS, it has been communism. This is the ghost that surrounds the continent and against which it is necessary to defend itself with a “national security doctrine” made manufactured. Doctrine that the Latin American bourgeoisies wife, whenever they arise on the political horizon any threat to their dominion. Vargas expressed the interests and needs of the Brazilian developing bourgeoisie, present such conditions. He was As soon as, in the thirties, between his inauguration and the beginning of World War II, he, taking advantage of the 1929 crisis, which shaken the economy of developed capitalist countries, sought to bring Brazil closer to Germany and Japan, To balance the traditional trend compared to the United States, already rooted in Brazilian Econo and Politics. This approach has grown rapidly and fell as a definitive opinion, generating serious concerns in Washington. Vargas did nothing more than operate, then, contrary to foreign policy previously guided by Baron of Rio Branco. He had sought, particularly through the so-called Pan-Amerianism, to neutralize the dependence on England, the CIPAL creditor of Brazil, with the approach to the United States. Vargas made the way in the opposite direction, and the approach to Germany and Japan corresponds to the desire to neutralize the dependent on the United States. The successes achieved by this policy were expressive. In a few years, cotton threatened the absolute primacy of coffee in the value of brave exports with those countries, deprived of the North-Ame supplies
Ricans in that phase. The outbreak of the 2 World War ended such a politician, which thus did not last enough to change the traditional picture. Among its consequences was, however, the political influence that prevailed in Brazil, at that time, and that stimulated the search for formulas close to the fascists and Nazis or those linked to Japanese militarism. Vargas then walked to the so -called Estado Novo, which was the form assumed by the extreme political centralization and the extreme limitation of democratic franchises in the country. The 2nd World War, configuring the defeat of Nazi-fascism and the Japanese Rism, also liquidated with the aforementioned Brazilian regime. In short, it is concluded that in the first period of the “Vargas era”, it resulted in failure to attempt an approximation with the nearest and richest Spanish country, Argentina, to seek a common policy , and resulted in failure attempt to approach European countries and orien such to alleviate the American primacy. At the end of World War II, when, in Brazil, the conditions require the liquidation of the authoritarian regime, Vargas Emponi of an audacious attempt: to look for a wide population base for the regime to be established and that would consolidate the primacy of the bourgeoisie in the national group and in the control of the state. But, as with Peron, his luck is marked: October 29, 1945 is deposed. Brazil loses its great historical opportunity at that stage, as a result of the “cold war” then installed, to define a regime with a minimum of democratic sources. Now the “cold war” is the ideological basis that generates the justification of subordination to US politics: there is an external threat that interests each and every American countries. Foster Dulles's pactomania begins: control of the world operates through military pacts, because war is imminent. This threat ”also justifies the insane economic orientation of the Brazilian Government of the time - the continuation of the Estado Novo with democratic disguises - to consume its boundaries accumulated during the war, by reducing imports, buying materials that should be stocked to Hypotheses, consider the fatal, of new conflict. Of creditor, Brazil passed to the debtor and
He failed to take advantage of those currency to reappear his in his time. The postwar world in 1945 found the economically debilitated La Tina America. The agreements with the united states made based on. Compulsory concessions, by the existence of a common and powerful enemy-the Roma-Berlim-tochio axis-had forced Latin American countries to give in to the American buyer their raw materials and food at baix and stable prices. The malbarization of the currencies still accumulates, with peace, would complete the exploitation. Vargas participated in the general elections, after his deposition: he was elected senator by two states and deputy by five, presenting the singular phenomenon of a dictator who proved to stop enormous popularity and have a large political base, although stripped of power by a military coup . This was just a demonstration that its politics, real mind, sometimes rotten with a winding, aimed to provide the broad -base bourgeoisie, which allowed it to lock its struggles, those in defense of their class interests. Without this broad political basis, it would not be able to resist the pressures of Latifún Dio and imperialism. This, now concentrated, would return to the world -with -fury ceremony in search of maximum profit, provided its main source of income, the war, was ending. It was therefore necessary to keep the world in the mood of war threat. With the atomic impasse-in the period of atomic monopoly by the United States, they extorted from the dependent world vanous vaniable-it was found that the threat of war is more surrender than war, since this would be the very knowledge of humanity itself . Vargas pronounced in the Senate three discs, denouncing the financial and economic debacle to which the country was being taken, and withdrew from the scenario. In his retreat they were to seek him the forces he had always led and benefited, to make him a candidate for the presidency of the Republic in electoral dispute. As an opposition candidate, an unprecedented fact in the Brazilian life, he was chosen, despite all attempts to scale. He returned to power, however, under new conditions. The world was no longer the same, nor Brazil. The correlation of forces was
changed. The maneuver's ability, which he had taken on evidence in the past, would not be enough to lead him to achieve the goals he had proposed. In the world scenario, imperialism had launched the Korea War and would press the cooperation of Latin American satellites with troops. The mililic requirements made to Brazil grew with each step. As they grew up, in parallel, economic demands grew. Imperialist investments assumed huge proportions and demanded absolute protection. The options that presented themselves to Vargas were not molding to allow them to be founded for a stable and continuous orientation, endowed with firmness. Insofar as he gave in to imperialism, he lost segments of his political base; As he resisted the imperia, he created threats to his personal and political destiny. The conciliation came to an end, the maneuver space narrowed with each step. It was when Vargas again tried the approach maneuver with Argentina, where Peron played a role in many points similar to his in Brazil. The fury triggered by the reactionary proportion, in view of what the forces of backwardness saw as criminal activity, because harmful to their profits and interests had no limits. The national scenario was soon troubled with successive plaster. Between Vargas and Peron-between Argentina and Brazil, in fact-understandings and disagreements that made it unfeasible to establish a common policy in the face of common threats have become unfeasible. Both countries treated their problems separately. And if that happened to them, which had already achieved conditions for the outburst unknown, there was no longer with the other Latin American countries. The campaign against Vargas climaxed in August 1954. He had found in strengthening the state area of the economy a way to run, where economic, financial, and political profitability now remains as promising. The victory for the state's monopolistic oil exploration, the biggest opinion campaign that BRA Sil has known, marked the luck of Vargas, such as Eletrobrás, and was also accentuated with the intention of overseeing fraud in the remittance of companies' profits Foreigners led to the height.
In three weeks, from 5 to 24 August, with the Crusade of IM Press and Radio, in the largest defamation campaign that the country knew at all times, the climate that would lead to its deposition, practically decided. That was when he generated the reversal of the process, with the tragic and spectacular decision to end life. What the reaction intended in August 1954 was precisely what it would reach ten years later in April 1964: the collapse of the democratic regime and the capitulation of the Brazilian bourgeoisie. The denunciation formulated by Vargas, in his tasting letter, with the extraordinary echo that the tragedy of suicide found around the world, created the conditions for a mass movement that prevented the reaction from deepening the coup, leading it to the latter consequences. With Vargas, a phase of Brazilian history ends. What happens from there is a new phase, whose design appears with the government of Juscelino Kubitschek. This period of government really watches the defined passage from one face to another. It contains a little of the past, which allows it to compatible with the representative regime, and much of the future, by the deliberate option in favor of subordination to imperialism, fundamentally defined in the delivery of economic and financial policy to the elements committed to the multinationals stated here and in the formulation of a plan in which development was limited to the fixation of certain quanity growth rates-many of which would be achieved by the simple growth of the economy-to whose achievement the country was opened to massive investments of imperialist content. It was a matter of giving economic development a vigorous rit of capitalist accumulation without, however, breaking with the areas of resistance, particularly that of the earth's monopoly. The compatibility of such a model would, of course, to worsen the contradictions of Brazilian society, with serious reflexes at the political level. Kubitschek realized, real mind, to complete his period of government, despite the outbreak, and despite the constant disturbances and attempted military coup. But his successor, Jânio Quadros, was forced to rely, and João Goulart, vice president and successor of paintings, was deposed.
The inauguration of Kubitschek, the resignation of paintings, Goulart's inauguration gave way to attempts to break the regime VI people, through the military coup - the most used in the Brazilian case -, finally crowned in 1964. Simples are enforcement of political events such as those cited and attempts of authoritarian coup, and their triumph at the end of the series, they sign the instability to which the option for the model of subordination to imperialism presented, as an implicit and intrinsic condition. And they point out, on the other hand, the end of the compatibility of the model adopted with a political regime with the least conditions of freedom. The model naturally led to a power regime. Imposed it required authoritarian acts. Hence the successive coup attempts, until the outbreak of the one who would finish the transition and set the new model. The conciliation was liquidated. The regime established in Brazil, with the Military Coup of April 1964, brought to the extreme limit of the acts of December 1968, and the succession of governments exercised by military chiefs, committed to the Armed Forces in the execution of a political, economic model and new social in Brazilian history - model, by the way, is blessed to the influx of imperialist doctrines elaborated under the conditions of the “cold war” - he knew two phases: a precautionary phase, between the conquest of power and the elimination of the latest remnants of freedom, that is, between April 1964 and December 1968; and a phase, the second, finishing, of fullness of dictatorial action, between December 1968 and April 1979; When the third phase begins, the decline and exhaustion of the model. The model thus began with a 90% per year inflation - and this was one of the pretexts for Goulart's deposition - and is now reaching a third threat in July 1989 that of hyperinflation. It really crossed an interplain -ribbed PE in which the economic and financial policy has been guided, at high social and national costs, to reduce inflation by about 40%. As is well known, inflation is one of the most rudimentary and common processes for transferring non-poster income to the owners, from those who work for those who have. In Brazil, she had chronic character, with some acute periods. Acudiization rhyages resulted from the already mentioned mechanisms of transfer of effect of the cyclical crises of capitalism, in
World scale, from outside to the interior and, here, from the domestic class to workers and small bourgeoisie. The current inflaneous rate represents the exhaustion of the model for the task of exploitation of work in Brazil, as the exhaustion of the model to maintain the flow of interior income to the outside. In an dependent environment, such as the Brazilian model imposed by the dictatorship chose and established, there is no conditions to resist the pressures from abroad, since the structure of the model depends on the outside. Its vulnerability is, for the most part, explained by this bond with the outside, that is, with imperialist matrices. It seems clear that the model's decline phase, called “Brazilian miracle” by some imposture servers, has pointed out in our history the maximum in all important rates, for which the development of a country is measured: the illiteracy rate It grew extraordinarily, frustrating the effort to reduce it, which was being undertaken; The unemployment index, on the other hand, denouncing underlying crises, assumed unprecedented proportions, markedly aggravating the debris of work and the level of wages; The infant mortality rate, another that reached clamorous levels, points to the precariousness of the model to attenicate it; The level of external indebtedness, achieving more than one hundred and twenty billions of dollars, shows what was the financial orgy established by the so -called “miracle” - a true mi meter for international finance - and shows the true physio nomine it presents; The work remuneration rate, too, is a libel against the exploitation to which the Brazilian worker is subjected. It is data that, in addition to the numerical expression, already alarming and scandalous, show how the presence of imperialism and landlords have established non -except boundaries and came to an end. Any connoisseur of political economy, still in its more rudimentary level, knows the process of Concentration that is intrinsically of the capitalist development itself, to the extent that it disappears or tends to disappear the echo of competition, imposing the economy of monopoly. The nineteenth century began to know cartels, trustes and monopolies, whose appearance then pointed out, the ripening phase of the capitalist re Gime. These forms of concentration, in a horizontal sense as in vertically, arose from the natural association
among the various elements that made them. Thus, it was natural that the large and ported companies linked to steel production included mining companies and carboniferous companies, culminating with steel companies. And that verticalization would be pledged, in some sets, in order to closely link financial companies, industrial companies and even companies eat cials. All with a bond that was identity and homogeneity, despite this kind of division of labor, at the level of capital, which was the way they presented themselves. The world and capitalist economy, after World War II, would however present forms of centralization and corporate grouping hitherto unknown. First, the conglomerate emerged, that is, the combination of companies of nature and diverse level in the large sets that soon begins to define a different dimension from concentration. The meter conglo was characterized, in the form, by grouping heterogeneous companies. Finally, the multinational, simple pseu donimo of the large international monopolies. A musi company - and all large monopolies are international and multinational - is not because it has factories, for example, in several countries, besides those in the country of origin. A multinational company represents, in essence, the expert in national areas of various areas of production factors ranging from the labor force to the raw material, through the market. This multinationality, besides all - since Lu Cros are always converted and paid in the currency of the country of origin - gives such companies extraordinary flexibility, the ability to compensate for circumstantial damage and the maneuver to transfer profits and disperse geographically The Industrial Park and the commercial entities to ensure maximum profit and maximum security for this profit. Multinationality is a peculiar phenomenon to the imperialist phase of the development of capitalism and creates anomalous situations, such as countries still in a backward stage of the development of the economy can have large segments or meaning, entirely in disparity with the whole economy in the economy cional. Examples that illustrate and clarify this disparity is displeasured by the world: that of the Abadan refinery is one of them; she does not
It resulted from Iran's economic and technological development, but it is an element inserted in the Iranian economy, a supplier of the rainfall with which the refinery works. It is not, therefore, possible or reasonable to assess the development of the Iranian economy for the existence of a sophisticated industry such as the aforementioned refinery. Another example would be, not to repeat refinery, the existence of companies such as the Panama Canal or the Suez Canal in the early twentieth century; They did not result from a natural stage of the development of the economy of Panama or Egypt, they were inserted by virtue of impositions from abroad. The anomaly is mentioned here only to facilitate rapid analysis of apparently anomalous phenomena that occur in said underdeveloped paids. The division in developed and subsids senvolved, by the way, is euphemism designed to disguise the true difference between imperialist countries and countries exploited by impeillism. He has been lending himself to distortions of all kinds and now numerous bibliography that, far from penetrating the essence of the problem, contributes to alienation. This reference to the character of the multinationals and distortions that their existence and function insert in the structures of production - that the function is the injury to the national character of the accumulation of capital. CUSTIONS. The first is the problem of imperialism exercised by countries whose capitalist development has not reached this stage. The second is the problem of monopolistic state capitalism, which also arises in these countries and also in contradiction with the stage actually achieved in them by capitalism. Well analyzed, the primary would be turned off with the analysis of participation in this expansion are abroad of political and economic structures whose natural development would not require it, companies and even sis themes of non -national companies, but work in the territory where they leave for the bid abroad. For example: to what extent Are Brazilian national investments operated in neighboring countries really Brazilian investments? To what extent does monopolistic state capitalism, in operation in Brazil, represent a natural stage of the development of Brazilian echo? It actually serves the multinationals here
installed, more than capital companies authentically in the national. But it is not here the place for this analysis. One of the most interesting phenomena in the contemporary world is that of inequality in the development of capitalism. It is easy to understand the problems presented by the uniqueness of finished by some countries where capitalism develops fairly in the historical phase in which it, in the world dimension, is in the general crisis stage. Parallel to such anomaly - more than real than real, since it results from good and solid reasons and obeys the law of unequal development - it arises, for those light countries that have not yet reached the capitalist stage or only began, the possibility yet, the possibility. to suppress the capitalism step in its development. Although this is a fascinating theme, it is not here the place to discuss it, either. But it is pertinent to show how unequal development, in the case of countries, such as Brazil, where the growth of capitalist accumulation is already important and in which capitalist relations spread and deepen - have already entered the countryside, strongly shaking those Its traditional structures - provides for gigantic anomalies that sometimes deceive observers and scholars. It is, in the first place, to admit that the level of development of capitalist relations in Brazil is not yet the one who defines it as having reached the imperialist stage. And yet, it is easy to see that there are Brazilian companies that Inves has abroad, as has been mentioned in neighboring countries, and earn income from such investments. This income is converted into Brazilian currency, in part, but also in the currency that works for universal exchange in our time and by virtue of international agreements. The set of such operations is already certain, although not in order to define Brazilian capitalism, as has been said, as having reached the imperialist stage, especially more than profits, in this case, are divided by investors of diverse national origin . But the fact exists and affects Brazil's relations with other Latin American countries. Its anomaly can be explained by the realization that it does not result, or does not only result, the endogenous development of Brazilian capitalism, in many cases, but the action of multinational companies operating in Brazil. It would be left to quantify the phenomenon, and this
requires accurate research. The problem is placed here because it meets the possibilities of common action of Latin American countries. It remains to discuss the problem of the existence of state capitalism in the state of state in countries where the capitalist economy did not reach, for endogenous reasons, such a stage of development. Before examining it, it should be remembered that in Brazil at least the existence of a state area of the economy was rather an element of progress and even democratic stimulus. Here, really, the exploitation of oil in a state monopoly resulted from a wide opinion campaign and represented a unique victory of the forces interested in the democratic regime. It was admitted that, in the slow and weak capitalization, needed, however, to take into account massively in companies of fundamental function in the propulsion of development-such as those linked to the supply of energy under any of its forms-the only possibility of It does not depend on foreign capitals for this to be in charge of the State of such investments, for their possibilities of accumulation. lation and because it is a holder of the economy's orientation organs. Even the last Vargas government, really - and still in this its end was the end of a phase - the state area of the economy functioned as its national component, resisting its imperialist component. From the 1964 military coup, however and even from the preparatory period and pregnancy that was the Kubitschek government, this placement began to suffer repairs. It covered, in fact, the interrogation of the response of which would be finisher: whom does the state serve? The Brazilian bourgeoisie, of which Vargas was the great interpreter and leader, participated intensely in the campaign in favor of establishing the state oil monopoly, as he had participated in the founding of national steel and continued to participate in struggles for the nationalization of electricity. Even after the April 1964 military coup, Congress, embarrassed by its best elements, conveniently cleared you for the revocation of its mandates in discrimination whose reasons were evident, only approved the company's shipping law of companies foreigners established here by the difference of a vote. The resistance of the bourgeoisie was denounced in this pronouncement against the franchise to the multinationals of the exploitation of the Brazilian work, even in a time of crisis, when the burgue-
Sia had abandoned her popular bases of politics - which Vargas had struggled for constituting and maintaining - to join the then imposed on me, hoping that he would save her from communices, presented at the moment, as the ghost to exorcise. From 1964, and particularly from 1968, when Durau deepened, eliminating any remnants of democratic franchises, the Brazilian State and the state economy, however, work for multinationals, and the state area of the economy began to subsidize the multinational area of the economy. It was the reverse of the essential character of the regime that would need to install terror to ensure the maintenance of the adopted model and would be perfected below the same terror. It is then presented in the structure of the Brazilian economy, as an anomaly, as derived from exogenous conditions, impositions of imperialism, the phenomenon of the monopolistic state capitalism segment, entirely in lag with the development in the country's tural and endogenous . And state companies begin to present serious administration problems, which lead the National Steel Company on the brink of bankruptcy in 1989, and profoundly compromise the functioning of Petrobras and Eletrobrás. It was a matter of providing the state, with loss, steel and energy for multinationals to have great profits. It was a strange monopolistic capitalism that operated in favor of imperialism, for. Subimerialism, on the one hand, and the functioning of these monopolistic state capitalism segments, on the other, therefore mark the presence of foreign investments in the country and the privileged coverage granted to them by the Nacio Nal state, structured in the model dictatorial and repressive. Of course, this was not the only form of protection provided by the state here to the multinational area of the economy. This area, formerly in the country, took extraordinary development during the Kubitschek government period and, when such a period ended, after exhausting its services to multinationals, the implementation of an authoritarian and narrow public manner repointed as a non -transferable solution. This solution, however, eventually exhausted and the dictatorship was incumbent upon the burden, and it is up to the burden to the Brazilian people. Which was presented here in a succinct, unsatisfactory way for the need for analysis of phenomena of great complexity
de, is linked to the dispersion and isolation in which Latin American countries live. United, as he dreamed of Bolivar, they would be endowed with conditions to resist imperialism and capable of reaching the validity of political regime of democratic content, with a domain of elementary freedoms. They would have more cultural contacts and know each other better. Divide to beat and explore was the principle that the dominators were served from the neck phase. Latin America, and not just Brazil, has been getting to know, for a long time, strength regimes imposed by the violence of my litar and resting all lately, in the same doctrine, the "doctrine of national security", which consists of putting the State, in each, under the service of multinationals, under the pretext that the enemy is the own people of each of these countries, against which a repressive device richly endowed with means to use violence should be triggered. From 1974, with the exhaustion of the Mo Delo began to emerge, and with the aggravation of the general crisis of dimen capitalism are international, signs that the oppressed classes of Latin American countries, more mobilized in some than in others , and the bourgeoisie, in accordance with its ability in each, resume the struggles for the restoration of new conditions of political life. The changes that Brazil has been the stage, from a few years to this part, really point out the resumption, by the Brazilian bourgeoisie, of the defense of its interests, and the awareness that it cannot effect it without political base, that is, without the support of other classes. The luck of sub-willism, such as the monopolistic state capitalism segments, such as the direction of a more rigorous composition policy with other Latin-American countries, will depend on the ongoing process. Whose perspectives are promising as long as, to break the original impasse, a common front of struggle is achieved.
Populism has not been pure random the diffusion among us, concepts such as populism and totalitarianism, which gained space in academic studies and has passed to common language. One of the most curious aspects of the ideological struggle, really, is that linked to confusion Conceptual. It passes as undisputed transparent falsehoods that do not resist the slightest analysis. The old technique of repetition gives them consistency. The lack of climate for scientific or political discretion, even at their preliminary levels, allows duration to concepts that fully lack meaning. They are sometimes cultivated by the superficiality of comments and deliberate purpose or both, and it is difficult to read the distinction between each other. In some cases, it is simple semantic divergence in sciences that, among us, have not yet gained adulthood. In these cases, they report only one of the weaknesses of knowledge, even at the academic level, and constitute one of the most evident characteristics of the university's disruption here. Of course there are always valid people in academia and such ills do not reach the total of congregations whose recruitment is debatable but to which they belong, such as exceptions, figures worthy of greater respect and even admiration. Ignorance and one of its best disguises, the superficiality, is that they are paved; Knowledge is humble and simple. It would be long to discuss here - and in the mathematical sense, not in the rhetorical sense - the series of concepts that most prominently configure the conceptual confusion that, established with academic rice, participates in the ideological struggle. Therefore, you should read the field. In passing, the first concept to discuss would be that of totalitarianism. In times of intense repression, such as the one that we just barely emerged, an ambiguous position was very conveniently adopted by creatures in which they were neither the knowledge nor the knowledge, nor understanding, nor courage. These creatures usually hidden behind the confusion
and ambiguity has always allowed them to present curious disguises. Among them, and highlighting, at a certain stage, a certain critical virulence that was marked by the denial of values so far accepted. Another disguise was that of presenting a left position on the left than the known and identified left, to give it a hard fight. An ultra-left position was the most common disguise that the reaction took over, in a while. Of course, here, it is necessary to emphasize those who proceeded by honest, albeit naive purpose, to make a revolution see Bal where there was no conditions for a royal revolution. One of the ambiguities conferred by this disguise was to exorcise what dubbed totalitarianism. The concept, whose confusion was exploited, hid the truth but did not hide ambiguity. He who claimed to combat totalitarianism made it identical, for the effects he proposed, socialism and fascism. On the still lower level, and more unhappy, though less pretentious, was located the one who, in the lit of the ideological struggle, particularly in the face of the vegetable repression, was said to the center, that is, neither the sinda nor the right. The confusing left and right concepts correspond to a kind of sophistication of the concepts of East and West, or West and East, then also marked by those of North and South. As is well known, establishing a division of the world between Western and Christian and eastern and socialist - usually written with the Matist - not to mention the hypothetical meridian that limits them imported, besides, to omit that Marxism is a western creation and its execution arose because Soviet socialism was geographically situated to the east or the East from NATO. The North-South Division, which later appeared, supposed the world divided from the Ecuador and not by any parallel: to the north, the "rich", the "poor", as if all countries north of the Ecuador were equal. It would be much more practical and objective to define- but it did not convert to the purposes of this very suspicious ideological geography- that the world is simply divided into exploited and explorers. Of course, that the north-south division consists of evading The true division between socialist countries and capitalist countries or submitted to the countries capita lists.
The concept of totalitarianism, widely used in the political and sociological analyzes that academic knowledge often practices, in the teadra, in the book, in the press, confuses, as synonyms, socialism and fascism, has already been said, and allows the user to affirm himself far from one and the other. This, which in the common language of layman can be for primary, excusable ignorance, shows his proceedings ambiguity when in academic language. There is no medium informed person who is unaware of being opposite, viscerally contrary, fascism and socialism. The division always belongs to the ideological struggle and provided him support for all sorts of falsehoods and clums. Because the Brazilian political essay, even before the establishment of dictatorship and repression and cultural terror, He used and abused the concept of totalitarianism, shielding himself in the purposeful confusion he established or helped to maintain. The statement that the fascist or para -fascist dictatorships that imperialism established or helped establish, particularly in Latin America, were in all forms of totalitarianism such as fascism, Nazism and militarism were reading in the world, in their area Developed and outside of it, and that they all corresponded to the “totalitarianism” established in socialist areas, marked time and eventually established itself as an established and undeniable concept. There is no need to waste more time in discussing the concept of totalitarianism. He would disappoint us, for the expenditure of space yet, in the discussion of the main motive of this analysis, the concept of Pulismo, most important for deepening the contemporary Brazilian political problem. Because this concept really occupies ample space today in the Brazilian political, historical and social bibliography. It belongs, besides and mainly, to party discussion, serving as a shield for the procedural arguments, at the controversial level. In the fierce debates, initiates have been practicing more than half a century in 1930, with the advancement of the Burgue Sia, occupying a growing space in the area of power here, the concept of populism was a powerful weapon, used as Daredevil and Tacape demoralizing to deter the advance in Brazil of the popular forces. It should be noted, at this point, that the people category - solertly disfigured in the controversies and even infamous in a clumsy way - is here used in the sense that we define in the book there
a few years.1 has no generic meaning, therefore. But it was in the generic meaning that the disfigure and falseia, that the word people were placed to unfold into what sociology and so -called political science called populism. Now comes the need to remove the discussion of the climate in the bullshit in which it takes place in the last decades, when populism appears as injury, to reconstruct the historical origins. Without this historical research, the discussion would lose felt. And the research, for fair placement of the process, must go to the origins and the advance of capitalist relations in Brazil and the following advance, in a dialectical relationship with those, of a social class, the bourgeoisie, ascending in the Brazilian social structure. In Bora some confusionists admit and even claim that Capitalis Mo, here, the date of the colonial phase - for them, was implemented by Cabral - the truth is that Brazilian capitalist relations covered to grow from 1850. Independence was a one Company of the ruling class of masters, landlords, if slave nhores, masters of servants. Already in 1844, Alves Branco would make the tariff reform, taxing imported genres that the agreements of 1810 and 1824 had exempted from entry dirons. It is also the time, in 1850, of the suspension of slave trade, with the corresponding transfer of investments from the area of trafficking to expanding coffee agriculture and for the first boost of industrialization that Brazil has known. It is the time, really, the rail construction, the shipbuilding, the urban transage, the public services, the telegraph, the Cabo Suba Rino, of enterprises such as the Ponta d 'Sand Shipyard and companies that highlighted the name of Mauá, the first great national capitalist, the first great bourgeois. Since the manorial class, which shaped the empire to its image and sowing, was absolute in its domination, the bourgeoisie was in its beginning and therefore still weak. It was this weakness of the bourgeoisie that compromised Mauá: he failed for the helplessness in which the state left it and its companies went to the hands of English “In all situations, people is the set of classes, layers and social groups committed to objective solution of the tasks of progressive and revolutionary development in the area in which it lives ”(Nelson Werneck Sodré, introduction to the Brazilian Revolution (4th edition, São Paulo, 1978)).
and Americans, especially the first. They were employed who, as a whole, set up hundreds of thousands of sterlin pounds, a considerable value for the time. In the late nineteenth century, however, based on causes that would be long enumerate, capitalist relations were already shiny advancement and the bourgeoisie would give, with the reforms of the eighties - a century ago, therefore - a step ahead. A step of some importance. It was a conservative advance, however, because the creation of the job market was recent. Although Brazilian development, at the time, has been operated on a conservative aspect - obeying the correlation of reigning forces - it is beyond doubt that the end of the century - abolition and republic remarkably - marked the modest advance of inserted capitalist relations in the broad table of the Agricultural development. A ^. Oligarchic Republic, in fact, was the successor of the slave latifund, the archaic Brazil constituted the dominant sage father. But that advance, albeit modest, meant the modest advance of the bourgeoisie, already disputing space. It is the time of formation of the free labor market, a training that met the interests of the ruling class, importing in the liquid of slavery and the advent of systematic immigration, subseed by the state. In both the case and the other, in the case of abolition and in the case of immigration, this state intervention in the process of economic development was a new and unique fact. It was this intervention, obeying a solerte strategy, which allowed the liquidation of slavery - defined in the laws of the free belly and the sexagenaries more than in the final act of abolition - and the creation of the labor market, with free work, in which The wage earners gain space. Therefore, the slow and tortoo is the process that was in Brazil the appearance of a certain amount of wealth - by the coffee and growing value in export - which became capital, on the one hand, and, on the other, the Apareci Numerous mass of workers without subsistence, only labor force holders. These two premises, which generated capitalism, were clearly outlined in the late nineteenth century, with the origins in the mid-century. But power, state control at the time was arrested
by the manorial class. The bourgeoisie gravated around this old class and accompanied him the values. As we know of vulgar history, bourgeois rise in classic models - Netherlands, England, France - restored in the support of the commoner, that is, the lower classes and layers, which supply the work in the countryside and in the city, in that mainly. The classic model of bourgeois revolution, actually, operated on the revocation in the European West, presents as a necessary premise the alliance of the bourgeoisie and the commoner, to overcome the nobility and then to structure the state to the parties of its interests. In this second phase. Of the use of success, the class struggle will be defined by the tradition between the bourgeoisie, now ruling class, and the proletaria of the peasantry. But in the initial phase the alliance between them creates the conditions necessary for the revolution. To this alliance, generated in the historical process, the academics of the time would baptize Po-Pulism, with a positive sense. The fact is that the ideological struggle of time did not require the emergence of this concept. The bourgeoisie covenant with the people was natural and well understood and accepted by all, except those who lost with it. But those who lose Ram, then, if they wanted nothing to do with the bourgeoisie, even less with the people, the hated. To grow and to dispute power in Brazil, the bourgeoisie always needed the support of the lower classes and layers. Over time, here, in the nineteenth century, in its early decades, power has been dominated and shaped by the landowner of landowners. This is what was known as the oligarchic republic: the country was divided into federated states in which power was detained by the oligarchies, that is, by reduced number of families who held land ownership. With this, they controlled power, taking into it their elements. All shaking at the time unraveling the effort of the economically growing bourgeoisie to ascend politically. Effort that required it to seek popular support, that is, from the classes and beds of those who provided the work. Effort that really put in the center of events, the question of power and motivated sues and interval shaking, always revolving around power. This is why, in the oligarchic republic, crises occurred when the presidential succession, nationwide, and state successions, provincial. These crises broke, momentum
Nea or transiently, the apparent monolithism of the dominated class. These were crises in which the bourgeoisie, on secondary paper, sought space. They were breaches by which they infiltrated the tighter representatives of her. The great rupture occurred with the 1930s armed movement, a political shaking that corresponded to the economic shake of the 1929 crisis. Capitalist relations came to advance, with a singular impulse when the 1* World War, where in dragonial investments grew up to supply the market private internal imports. The 1929 crisis, the largest than world -scale capitalism, knew, gave new impetus to capitalist relations here and the picture was completed with the collapse of the exporting agricultural economy. It was a phase, therefore, of bourgeois ascension and declining manorial class founded on the property of the earth. Now, the bourgeoisie was able to dispute power and, really, with the armed movement of 1930 and the provisional government, it operates its hegemony In the process, seeking to reshape the state to its feature, to the feature of its interests. For this, it had the indispensable popular support. Unlike its historical background, regional and provincial rebellions, the 1930 movement was a national character. This national dimension of fine bourgeois hegemony in the process. But this hegemony would not have been possible without the support and tacit alliance of the working classes. They participate in the struggle but with urban installments in the most active, but make clear their affinity and sympathy with the now hegemonic bourgeoisie. With the 1930s armed movement, really, capitalist relations prove their dimension, in convention with the national economy, and the bourgeoisie passes the ruling class, in its unfinished revolution, operated by successive throws. Revolution that would have been impossible without popular support. As is well known, Brazil has known short periods of freedom separated by long periods of agency. Between 1930 and 1935 there was one of these exceptional periods of freedom. Retrograde thinking often baptizes with agitation everything that happens in such periods, because in them everything is put in question, debated, controversial, contested. The fecundity of these periods comes precisely from this stormy face, in which the contradictions of society emerge, become acute and manifest in many ways, some assuming even threatening and restless form
Tante. In power, the bourgeoisie now wants tranquility. And the historical circumstances - which are not accidental - will provide you with a solution to the search for tranquility. Due to the law of unequal development, bourgeois rise in Brazil coincided with the general crisis of capitalism on a world scale. The 1929 crisis, culminating in the serialization of Capita Lismus' cyclic seizures in the imperialist phase, deeply shakes structures in the classes. Brazil, however, with the ascend capitalist relations, is able, helped by the pause in imperialist pressure here, to emerge very early from the crisis and to perform significant worlds in the structure of power. The world crisis, however, culminating with the political rise of the repressive forms of power configured in fascism, Nazism and militarism, powerfully influence everywhere. This face is the political mask of which the economic crisis is hidden. The repercussion of this winged and ascension of state violence comes to Brazil and entails a singular inflection in the process of bourgeois ascension here. For the conquest of power, in 1930, the bourgeoisie, following the natural order of political composition, not only turned to the working class, particularly the proletariat, but promised to grant space and rights to that class. The short period of freedom, until 1935, with the outcrops of the traditions of Brazilian society, is precisely the class struggle around this space and these rights. The external circumstance in the heterocrony of the global historical process, however, creates conditions for the aforementioned inflection. For which they competed, naturally, internal conditions, which added to the external: the internal struggle led the bourgeoisie to recompose themselves with the treatment forces from which he had distanced himself and to which he had fought. In a smaller and factual scale: it is the defeat of reformism, that tenentism had been avantreiroiro, before the political forces of servants, won by the 1930 movement and now raising the flag of a constitutionalism of convenience. It is with them that the bourgeoisie will compose itself to face the worked classes. Since these were in the process of fierce advance, broken with the "intention" of November, we will face them looking for an external costume. Hence the dictatorship known as Estado Novo. As the name wanted to make believing, the intention was to give the state
A structure that allowed the bourgeoisie to effect, without participating in the proletariat, the reforms that would consolidate it in power. Those who disconnect from the common vision with which the Estado Novo presents itself - violent and dictatorship dictatorship - and further examine what it represented, will see how, behind that outer face, it allowed the bourgeoisie to operate, not to mention or cease Supporting the working classes, the indispensable reforms to consolidate their achievements. With the trait, which really defines that dictatorship, to reconcile with the landlord and the imperialism, at a stage where coexistence with them was posed and necessary, as the bourgeoisie was recent and weak. Much of what is specific to the Burgue SA Revolution- less what affected landlord and imperialism- was realized at the time: the legislation is clear from a clear nationalist sense, the state apparatus goes through marked reform, work arises. With the total mastery of power and now passing the Forces of landlords to subordinates, the bourgeoisie, to perform their tasks, needs the support of urban workers, partly performed proletarian. It turns your attention to them and, from top to bottom, in a tutelary manner, establishes the labor legislation based on the fascist letter Dei Lavoro. But it is impossible to deny this alliance, no matter how worse it was the dictatorship of the Estado Novo. While one of its characteristics, such as all dictatorships, was linked to advertising, not only this, however, was responsible for the mass movement that occurred then. Public acts, such as those who took place at the May L. And so much so it was that, the Estado Novo, and precisely by those who had enjoyed it the most, and the power of the power, the popular vote made him senator for two states and deputy by five to take him to the presidency of republica as opposition candidate. In the roots of this population prestige, the largest, undoubtedly, that a political leader has reached in Brazil, it is easy to find the wit in the search for the alliance of bureau gusia, of which he was typical representative, with the worked classes. It was to resume the thread of history, which always signaled this covenant as a trace of bourgeois ascension. The bourgeoisie, to fulfill, still
What partially, the specific tasks of its revolution, do not dispense with this covenant day. Note: Her judgment is not made here, you do not enter the merit. This is another story. The great failure of Ge- Túlio Vargas's extraordinary political trajectory- central character in Brazilian history in a quarter of century- was not being victorious in the consolidation of this covenant. Indeed, as the left forces opposed, to the extent of their possibilities, to this operation, whose content distinguished well, the retrograde forces opposed to it with unique virulence. Vargas was deposed from the leadership of the just mind when, with the end of the war and defeat of Nazi-fascism, here was the possibility that, including the support of the left forces, that covenant was consolidated. Such a possibility and, therefore, of finishing of what is specific to the Guesa Burial Revolution, has deeply alarmed the internal forces of delay and the external linked to imperialism. It was then that it arose and began to vulgarize, by controversial repetition, the concept of populism. It arose to stigmatize the alliance, to see it as a spurse maneuver that would not be lacking, in this verbal fury, the subversive component. Embargoing the progress of this maneuver, making it ineffective, avoiding its consummation was the task to which the retrograde forces, always resistant to advance, progress, to the new, to be dedicated to the Statu Quo. The concept was the boulevard injury to the violent political propaganda that imposes on the irritation to condemn the historical process. In fact, Vargas was, in event, an instrument of history, as the most enlightened leader that the Brazilian bourgeoisie knew. If the 1930 movement did not result, with the hegemony Bur Bur Guesa in the composition of the state and in the command of political actions, in compliance with the tasks of the social revolution that it would be one of the most prominent stages, it at least made reforms that imported significant advance. The largest of these reforms was probably the one that went unnoticed: the finance of the domestic market. Indeed, in the great Brazilian ecomical archipelago, with the distant islands of each other and sometimes closed, what the oligarchic republic operated was the deepening of regional divisions, one of the worst inheritances of the colonial and imperial phases, this as simple extension of that . This divisionism. That the geographical grandeur expanded, translated.
In fact, the feudal remnant of our formation. The federated states resembled, such as the old provinces and the old captaincies, to large feudal zones, fragmented internally in the web of smaller feuds, marked by the latifundia maintained by the most important and traditional families. The so -called Old Republic, in which the regional oligarchies reigned, led states to establish sometimes heavy taxes for the circulation of goods. This collection with tax resources has frached the market and generated an internal tariff war. It was as if, in geographical immensity, various countries subsist. Now, the 1930 movement, at first, but particularly after the establishment of the Estado Novo, broke these barriers that braked the circulation of goods, and created the domestic market. The policy of the governors, which the retrograde government of Campos Sales 2 officialized, corresponded to the consecration of this Feudal fractionism. This political structure, assembled Adre of to preserve the delay, reflected the remnants of anachronistic feudalism. In such a way, as well as resulting from the fragmentation of producing zones, it mattered in singular fragmentation of power. Such a fragmentation would be demonstrated, scandalously, with the fact that they operate in the federated states military organizations that went from the military police, resembling the armies to this dual, to the irregular forces that the landlord kept open. Thus, the two faces were defined: that of the old feudalized hgáquic republic and the one that emerged with the 1930 movement and the advance of bourgeoisie, creating the domestic market, lever of our capitalist development. "It is amazing that Brazilian historiography, in that area where we apply what we call vulgar history, has, in its scale of value, stalls out fields Sales as a great president, even symbol of the exact management of the public thing. In fact, the period Campos Sales was one of the most characterized retrograde in Brazilian history. His political conceptions, easy to verify in parliamentary discourses, interviews and reports, are rudimentary. And this has not derived from individual disabilities, the person, but of class and correlation conditions of forces in which his class had to offer, defining their positions, the concepts that are in such documents. Campos Sales characterizes precisely the oligarchic republic, that is, that political in which the presence of feudal traits was evident.
Brazil was the stage, from 1930 to 1945, of an extreme struggle between the old and the new. Old women were, in every respect, the feudal relations that always imported in fragmentation and privilege here; New were the reforms that, advancing accelerated at times, stagnating sometimes, sought to overcome the observation of national development. However, the domestic market, the unification of political power, the breakdown of barriers imposed on the circulation of production translated the new. This struggle that reflected, deep down and sometimes clearly, the great historical contradictions that were in the scenario, marks the growing participation of popular forces in political campaigns and, in the end, corresponded to the confrontation between those seeking the alliance between bourgeoisie and proletariat for specific purposes and those that were violently opposed to this process, the only one that at the time would allow the country the task of reforms that imported the barriers to our development. Getúlio Vargas' return to power in 1950 after the Detos Troso of Dutra - exactly incarnation of what the Estado Novo had had a heinous -, which was the greatest effort to keep the political command here, showed about his policy. , in the provisional Goal, in the dictatorship, in the presidency, in the Senate obeyed, in its apparent intricacies, to a guideline that, signed in 1930, would go to its tragic end. Under extremely disgusting circumstances to this policy, he insisted on continuing the directions he had proposed and faced considerable obstacles. The picture was already very different from the one that had existed in the fourth and fifth decade of the century. Emerging from a war in which the destruction had been gigantic, but that had left them immune to their effects and ex -watery enriched, the United States took command of international actions, guiding the set of deconers that constituted the so -called “cold war”. Its appearance on the international scene, as a superpotence holder of Iaza immense and immense military power, with the monopoly of atomic weapons, put the whole world under terrible threat and, as for Latin America, under extremely dependent conditions. Now, this recrudation of imperialism, now centralized, was opposed to the basic issue for countries such as Brazil: the national issue.
What always characterized the role of the bourgeoisie was a priority, between the two fundamental, democratic and the national issues, which gave it. Getúlio Vargas, as a historical character, great leader of the advancement of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, eg, in his wide and stormy political trajectory, precisely this priority. If the task of the bourgeoisie, universal and historical, was to advance the national question - the concept of nation is born with the bourgeois revolution, in universal terms - in Brazil it presented itself with a deep difference that would become specific: Here, the option for the national was operating in the phase of virulent imperialist expansion. To achieve success in a policy that made the highlighted national question there was, therefore, that facing imperialism in its most acute expression. Hence, consequently, the even stronger need for the pursuit of popular support, with maximum insistence, with all commitment. Without this support, it would not be possible to advance in a policy of national development. Getúlio Vargas, who had denounced in three courses in the Senate, before his southern retreat, the disaster of the Dutra government's economic orientation, sought to take and expand the popular support he had granje and without which nothing could build. The fury with which the reaction launched the struggle to prevent Getúlio Vargas from carrying out his policy was the denunciator of the unique importance he lent him. In his presidential campaign, the candidate made commitments related to the tasks peculiar to the national issue and continued to articulate the polar support that would lead him again to power. The fact that in power, in power, has not been able to proceed with such compliance with no invalidating his posture. In accordance with the people, in January 1954, the difficulties they faced and the report of the varied and systematic actions of exploration impeded the list, mentioning amazing figures of the removal of profits from the pitals invested only in the decisive areas of the structure of the structure Production, violently increased by the resources raised in the domestic capital market - by telling the truth, was digging his grave. And the virulence of the conservative and retrograde reaction of the oligarchic past and the feudal heritage that had generated it was mirrored, shows how the contradiction had deepened.
That was when the concept of populism was disclosed by intense repetition and assumed the injurious level that eventually denounced it meaning and content. What did the concept mean, thus employed? One of those who, years later, only repeated him, showing how, over time, he recorded himself in the memory of the naive, thus defined it: “Another theme that requires discussion is the populist issue. [. . .] In any case, if we want a succinct definition, populism implies a direct connection between a mythified people and a charismatic-devise leadership in a speech that dilutes the reality of social classes. A myth of people, entered as a homogeneous entity, is the central point of populist ideology. ” 3 This definition, although with the real portion that ends, was placed in other terms, by another politician, at the same time: “Sadly, the country has already witnessed in its recent history the abyss to which it was led by inconsequential populism [. . . ] This behavior gives us credibility, which will be exposed to the clear, democratically, not only in the municipal elections as in the larger election - the presidential. To face the populist demagogy that threatens to go back to running. ” 4 It is not necessary to distinguish, for the clarity of the intentions of these two examples, the motivating circumstances of such analysis and such qualification. Im gate, only to discuss the concept, show how its disclosure covered even those who strive for the effective presence of the people in political decisions. 3 This example, as follows, taken, just to show the generalization of the concept and its confusion, contains a portion of truth, when it refers to the dilution of the reality of society divided into classes in the generality of the concept. But in this lies precisely the confusion that such a concept establishes: the confusion through the evasion of division and class struggle. Its fundamental purpose, by the way. 4 When placed in political index by representatives of the left so -called, or by simple liberals, the concept proves its penetration, passing the common and simple pejorative use. Its reactionary burden is cashed out and elements whose intention is not possible to doubt, they confer honestly but mistakenly pass a vulgar imposture, [when used in academic language the problem presents itself from different mala. It is, in this case, another demonstration of the more characteristic surface, although sometimes disguised by an allegedly revolutionary in tense. There is nothing more reactionary, in fact, than a wrong or malevolent revolutionism. Ambiguity problems, no doubt.
Vargism populism, in fact, put some national problems on stage and mobilized the people for their solution. Of course it was not the policy of the proletariat but that of the bourgeoisie. The Brazilian drama consists of the terrible resistance of the forces of delay, which represent the feudal past, to the reforms that belong to the historically the bourgeois revolution. And that they, therefore, denounce as socialists. And that's why, in their campaigns, those forces have always raised since 1930 and with virulence since 1935, anti -communism as a single flag. The anti -communism was in Brazil, from half a century to this part, the singular tonic of the released and retrograde campaigns. The concept of populism eventually incorporated into their vocabulary. Reflected and reflected the horror that arouses the approach and composition in the bourgeoisie and the workers, particularly the workers. By contrast, the Testament Letter of Vargas, at the bitter time of truth, would constitute the most serious libel already raised here against imperialism. Nothing denounces, on the other hand, as to the campaign against Vargas's politics, it used a false concept. Vargas died alone, Brazil woke up only on the day of his death: only then did he glimpse the truth. This concept was once again integrated the reaction arsenal here, when João Goulart's deposition. The campaign against Jango, triggered and maintained with the same language incontinence that wounded Vargas, grew in intensity when the so -called “base reforms were placed on stage. Jango was politically distinguished by his approach to the trade union movement. This approach corresponded, at the time, to the composition of the bureau guestic with the proletariat. It meant, on the side of the bourgeoisie, to soline it in power and to establish conditions to shape the state to the facts- it corresponded, ultimately, to last its revolution, which had been processing installments, by throws to the times distanced, in time, each other. On the workers' side and particularly the proletariat, we ran pocked the conquest of elementary rights and the consolidation of others. In the end, it corresponded to the entrance of the proletariat in the political scenario, which could only be achieved at that stage by the composition of alliances. The incipient proletariat of the European Western Te - such as the peasant
The bourgeois revolution, aware that she benefited the bourgeoisie. He knew he would also benefit the commoner, because he had the germ of another revolution, the proletarian. In history, the steps contain in germ the future steps. In Brazil of the twentieth century, there were, on the part of the people, by their most conscious or organized portions, the feeling that the reforms corresponded to the finish of the bourgeois revolution but contained the premises of the socialist revolution. The pagesic choir of reactionary forces at the time, with the tribilho of populism and the ghost of anti -communism, aimed to make the so -called “basic reforms”. Remember who they want what they were and what they intended and will see that they made it a few steps to advance an unfinished bourgeois revolution, ours. The accusation of communists to those who defended them and socializing them to their content was a scam that only the constant repeated repetition gave the broadcast and appearance of serious things. Since, among us, the media, by the control that imperialism exerts on them through publicity and the domain of information transformed into news, always behave as instruments of pressure in the ideological struggle, the choir reached resonance in the constant falsement of things. The artificially created crusade climate was generated, from time to time, to infuse fear and impose as truth the most spurious interest. It is a climate that results from the conjugation of all the coats - newspaper, radio and TV mainly - beating daily on the same key and composing the choir. Thus, it happened when the campaign against the monopoly is this oil, against the newspaper Last Hour, against Vargas in August 1954, culminating with his suicide, against João Gou Lart, in March 1964, culminating with the coup, his deposition and the establishment of a dictatorship precisely intended to prevent basic reforms, destroy operating trade union organizations, and settle the most active nationalist and democratic combatants. Populism composed the chorus and anti -communism establishes the music. In 1954, in a month, between 5 and 24 August, the fiercely triggered crusade liquidated the Vargas government and what it represented, specified in the Testament Letter. In March 1964, in a month, between 8 and 31, the Crusade, again fierce and with the same elements, settled the Goulart government and what
It represented, that is, the basic reforms and the composition between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat to expand the national process. The background of these episodes of prominent importance in our historical development, particularly in the end of the bourgeois revolution, was undoubtedly immobility and the field of the countryside, whose situation was always linked to the mono polio of the earth. In 1964, this secular silence began to be broken and the feudal reaction was deeply scared of this perspective. The spread of capitalist relations in CAM PO - following the Prussian path - really, with all the deformations caused by developmentalism here inaugurated with the Kubitschek period and sophisticated with the so -called “Brazilian Mo Delo”, begins to put in the political arena the agricultural worker and completes the picture in which the bourgeois revolution needed urgently urgently ultimately his process so retarded. For this, it needs more than ever Composing with the people-always injured in the concept of populism-to achieve success. The time of possible coexistence between bourgeoisie and landlord is over or is close to the end. But the time now presents imperialism as the uncompromising and powerful enemy. The regime established in 1964 and completed in 1968, resulting from a composition of forces that isolated and politically defeated the popular forces, and then imposed on the use of weapons and repressive police violence, articulated the control of power by absolute submission. to imperialism. This regime led to the last consequences the orientation established in the Kubitschek period, reassuring the massive entry of foreign capital and the massive departure of their profits, such as the assignment of more imposing mineral riches and the accelerated growth of external indebtedness, to give to these historically unprecedented dimensions. In the case, frightened by the leftist threats, raised by the 1964 advertising field, the bourgeoisie agreed to compose with the coup that liquidated the democratic regime here. In the fourth century when her association with imperialism led her to distance herself from workers, she learned to get a smaller portion of profits, dividing them fraternally with multinationals. This in tense course of political learning seems to have allowed him to see his way clearer. The days that run, when they elaborated a new constitution, seem to indicate this meaning.
Popular forces now open new perspectives of advancement, with more solid forms of organization and a clearer political conscience. They are interested, as beneficiaries, in the reforms that will allow the finishing of the bourgeois revolution here. Such reforms create conditions for passing to socialism to be processed more easily and at lower social costs. You don't have to have illusions with the bourgeoisie. But it is not possible to despise the tasks of the bourgeois revolution because they are from this class. The composition between the bourgeoisie and the workers creates conditions to face imperialism and to liquidate with La Tifundio. In fact, the dictatorship imposed in 1964, in its wide validity, opened a new stage in Brazilian life, with its listed. The lessons that this black period brought cannot and should not be forgotten. In the ideological struggle necessary for advancement, confusion conceptualizes - that populism was a stressing example - unfit because it establishes ambiguity where clarity is indispensable. The ruling classes have always been served the Conceptual Confusion to achieve their purposes. The use of “economies” hides economic exploitation. Esoté Rica language always aims to reserve knowledge to a few, the initiates, the servants, the instruments. The long use of concepts such as populism and wanting is precise example about ways as, in the ideological struggle, behind the concept is to whom it serves. May this use be repeated by the laity it is possible to lead to the ingenuity of unprepared repeaters. But it is an object, as it has been, a large academic bibliography is another demonstration of how much the university, NC Brazil, sank in the wide crisis of Brazilian culture aggravated in unprecedented terms with the quarter of the century of the obscurantist dictatorship we inherited, Unfortunately, some remnants. Populism is therefore a concept to Arch Var. It has already led to what has created enough benefits and advantages to demystify it. It is an instrument of reaction.
Vargas' era, Argentines, in the didactic need to divide history into periods, with limits marked by events of relief, agreed to know as the time of roses the phase of the historical development of the country in which the highlighted figure of the scenario was that of Don Juan Manuel de Rosas, around which the controversies, even today, rotate, and with extraordinary vigor. A little founded in this example, a little due to the impression of the reality of our own country, I decided to baptize as Vargas time the period of our history started with the 1930 movement and ended, in my view, with the suicide of Getúlio Vargas , in 1954. Important period, among other reasons, was one of the most characteristic steps of the advancement of relations capita lists in Brazil, and the rise of the bourgeoisie as class. Class that Vargas was the exceptional leader. When I leaned against, when teaching our history, by accepting a new category - the Brazilian Revolution - to configure the stormy process in whose course we are still, some teachers, ferocated to the past and infective to change, tried, and uselessly, and uselessly, Resist the proposed, challenging the Conce. Today, it is accepted without resistance, because it corresponds to historical reality, that is, to a period of accelerated transformations, of intense rhythm, which will emerge, without the Less doubt, a Brazil entirely different from the one we are suffering. So it has been with Vargas's concept of time. The refusal to accept this concept results from the passions that, even today, the name of Var Gas awakens. The fact that it has aroused such intense passions, between as much as if it justifies baptism, the concept. We will not again discuss it again. Let us consider, preliminarily, the convenience to accept it. In the analysis we now try, however, it will not worry the whole period, which we agree as divided into two FAs: the first, from 1930 to 1945; the second, from 1945 to 1954. The first phase comprises three glosses and was dotted from
Very important cements: the 1930 movement itself, which began it; the provisional government, with the decline of tenentism; The first Constitution, 1934, seeking to configure the phase in new terms; Political radicalization, with the weapon movements of the 1935 and 1938, the first, the first, in the right way; The dictatorship of the Estado Novo, ended with the end of the 2. World War, which we participated, and, with the coup of 29 October, the deposition of Vargas. The second begins, precisely, with Vargas in its collection, at Fazenda Itu, Rio Grande do Sul: comprises the election campaign for the presidency and its presidential period, culminating and ending in the dramatic episode of his suicide, 24 August 1954; comprises a decade. It is from this decade that we will be concerned here, that is, only from the second and last phase of the Vargas era, the one that begins with his exile, deposed by a military coup in 1945, which marks his heyday, with popular consecration as Candidate for a victorious time in the 1950 presidential election, which marks its decline, with the troubled presidential period, which culminates and ends with the terrible tragedy of August 24, 1954. Let us begin, therefore, by the principle. That is, by the deposition of Vargas, on October 29, 1945, by a white military coup. For those who have not lived those days and do not know the episode, it should be recalled in brief features. Brazil lived under an authoritarian regime, a dictatorship, generated by the Nazi-fascist rise in the world and by peculiar internal conditions; The dictatorship had generated a military coup, which had found it, however, Getúlio Vargas, in power since the victory of the 1930s. With the defeat of Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Japan, in 1945 , the regime has to be liquidated here, already in deep internal wear. In world dimensions, it was a phase of democratic ascension, since, and the liquidation of the Brazilian dictatorship should be bounded by dominant international conditions, when the Soviet Union emerged as a great way of a war that had weakened it, while the United States, with its territory spared and enrichment from the Arsenal of the Allies against the Nazi-Fascist axis, started what was known as the “Cold War”, with the launch
Of the two atomic bombs, in Hiroxima and Nagasaqui, clear and rude to the Soviet Union. The so-called redemocratization of Brazil, therefore, is located as an episode of the “cold war”, inserted in it and dependent from it. In order to interfere with the problem of redemocratization, two currents arise: the first, headed by Vargas, intends to prove the teachings of war against Nazi-fascism, opening perspectives for the structuring of a regime not only formal in their democratic franchises but founded on material conditions that would underpin democracy, that is, in the liquidation of archaic structures, still dominant among us; The second, commanded from abroad and finding allies inside, concerned with sending the process of redemocratization of luck that it does not except the formal limits, thus maintaining the old structures. These two currents had converged and added to this blessing in 1937 from the Estado Novo dictatorship; They diverged now when he came to an end. From the most significant point of view, the fundamental of divergence is evidenced when Vargas, by its Minister Agamem- Non Magalhães, prepares the bill that limits the formation of Trustes and Monopolies- soon incriminated, in a virulent opposition campaign, as law Malay. The threat to the interests of Trustes and Monopolies, as it establishes a divisor that immediately through a good articulated press and radio campaign culminates in passionate controversy. From the economic point of view, and function, the divergence is, therefore, around a long -reaching project, which could profoundly hurt the treatment structures in which the Brazilian State was supported, and particularly its eventual and dictatorial form, the New state. From the political point of view, the divergence is with regard to form: the corrections Conservative and reactionary opined that the settlement of the Estado Novo should begin with the ruler's replacement; Democratic and progressive currents opined that the passage to the new regime should be initiated with a constituent, which would elaborate the norms to which such a regime would obey, importing them that, meanwhile, remained Vargas in power. Now, Vargas's most gross opponents, now, were precisely those who had led him to dictatorship, for the new one of the new was not, after all, a military dictatorship
Exerted by a civilian, since power resided in the Armed Forces, in which they stood out, as eminent figures, the Ral Eurico Gaspar Dutra and Brigadier Eduardo Gomes, who saw the candidates for Vargas's succession, after they had has been prominent characters from the Estado Novo. The pretext for the departure of Vargas - held by a white military coup that united those two candidates, both and each certain of their choice in the presidential election, and of which he was executing, regarding the subpoena to Vargas, General Oswaldo Cordeiro de Farias, bearer of the Order of the Order of the Military Chiefs, demanding the renunciation of the prescription - was the appointment of the new Secretary of Security. There we have, therefore, facts linked to the plans in which the change process operated: in the essential and economic plane, the intention to target monopolies and limit profits; At the political level, the desire from preventing real democratization by the constituent, putting in power someone decidedly committed to the ex -tender forces; In the factual plane, and smaller, undoubtedly, the appointment of Benjamin Vargas to Secretary of Security, mere pretext, in short. With the deposition of Vargas, on October 29, 1945, the redemocratization process was decidedly compromised; What would be followed would not go from a dictatorship with more democratic aspects, elections, congress, division of powers, etc. All under the conditions of the “cold war” and the monopoly of the atomic bomb by the United States. Vargas withdrew to his Itu Fazen on the Argentine border; The elections, which could not be avoided, denounced their enormous popular prestige. The country would attend the curious spectacle of a dictator, a hone with power of power, who was elected deputy by several states and senator by two states. Vargas eventually opted for Senatory for his home state, Rio Grande do Sul. He attended the Senate only to pronounce three speeches that marked his prophetic vision of events. What was it about? It was that the United States, giving practical consequences to the “Cold War,” which was articulated to this, elaborated the Manichean doctrine of the two hemisphephs-the Western and Christian and the Eastern and Communist-whose military shock was inevitable and which Therefore, it should be prepared. This put, for satellites, it was about buying, the most
As soon as possible, what, with the war on the doors, could not be imported. For Brazil, which had accumulated, during the war, huge borders' balances, due to the compulsory reduction of imports, it was about buying the trinkets, the superfluous and all sorts of goods, in which reserves were per- . Vargas escaped, in the three speeches, this vesnanic satellite policy, which provided the US trustes extraordinary profits and prevented us from reappearing our obsolete industrial pair. In this picture, one of the most racteristic episodes was the purchase of Iron Velho Leopoldina railroad: we had, in England, a large credit, that she was unable to pay us right away, proposing us, as a way of liquidating him , the delivery of that railroad, deficit for many years. The English shareholders received, by their shares, the nomine value, when such actions were far below him; And we got another railway stroke. This "business" - whose details would allow us to unravel the form of action characteristic of the time, in relation to Brazil - would in itself demand a whole volume to be conveniently counted. Apart from these speeches, which aroused great interest at the time - and whose knowledge today would be important - Vargas did nothing more, in political terms. Collected in Itu, waited for time. Dutra's presidential period-when UDN and PSD, the two larger, formerly antagonistic parties have come together-has been marked-although today it is still common to read encomastic references to their “democratic 'content-by the economic crisis and financially, which had as one of his most grotesque episodes the letter of the Minister of Finance, Correia and Castro, to his US confrere, explaining that the United States should lend us great importance, otherwise “carrying us on the back ”. This dislocate unpopularized, Naturally, the governance, such that, approaching the end of the presidency period, it was easy to verify that or a new stroke would arise, ending the short period of the constitution-it cannot be said that there was a validity of democratic regime - or the government would not be able to see its candidate for the succession election victorious.
It really was what happened. Since the defeat of Nazi fascism was still recent, the conditions to liquidate again the formally democratic regime were not conducive. Hence the government of facing a succession election in difficult circumstances. The chosen candidate was Cristiano Machado, an unfortunate victim of what he was not guilty. The political forces that saw farther marched, clearly or hidingly, to Vargas. Brazil watched, and for the first time, in 1950, this uniqueness: a diverse who returned to power by popular suffrage, defeating the official candidate. Hence the expression “Christianize”, which began to racterize the escape of political or partisan forces to allegedly effective commands, in fact inept. Vargas would find, to take possession, after consecrator Vi -electoral, those stumbling blocks that had already become routine in republican life, since power had begun to lose the trolley of electoral claims, remaining threatened until the last minute. The conditions, however, were not favorable to the coup, a mere repetition of the one who had stripped him of power five years earlier. The forces that formed by his side were now powerful, not only in the political and economic forces, which saw salvation in him, after the Dutra period disaster, as the component of the 1945 coup, whose subptitude of the coup, which prevented any reaction. Vargas now had to preserve his right, conquered at the polls, a set of articulated and forged forces on the new painting that Brazil had, when they were beginning to become clear, to the most lucid consciousness, the conditions generated by the “cold war ”, To the detriment of national interests, placed in stick there are some of the major problems that the country would have to face and solve. Indeed, in the year of elections, and rather, for example, the campaign for the state oil monopoly, the broadest mobilization ever known in Brazil, covering all social classes and the Brazilian territorial extension. It is not here the place to reconstruct the greatness of this mobilization and to situate the forces that moved and articulated. It was the greatest example of a common front that Brazilian political life knew, without an ostensible command, an institutionalized form, a limit to define the field and composition. Was, effectively, the largest national opinion mobilization to which the country never watches
Tiu. And, it should be noted, with resistance, when not the open opposition, of the so -called “major press”, that is, that fueled by advertising distributed by the trustes and foreign monopoos. Vargas and Military Nationalism The campaign for the state oil monopoly began when the presidency of the Republic was the general Eurico Gas Par Dutra. It was easy- particularly for those who had articulated the dictatorship of the Estado Novo, in the nazi-fascist ascension phase in the world, based on anti-communism- to propaganda to the communist forces of communist forces the supporters of the state monopoly solution for exploitation oil. It was easy, therefore, to launch against those violent representatives who actually marked the period of the government of Dutra as the natural continuation of the Estado Novo dictatorship, of which it was the condo. The truth is that the communists, with their organization, their devotion and pertinacy, participated in the campaign for the state monopoly - were their engine - but it did not belong to them. Quite the contrary, he embraced heterogeneous components, anneagonic compared to other problems, tacitly conjugated only in relation to the oil problem. The advertising technique generated and fueled by imperialism, but knew that anti -communism anesthesia consciences and disguises the essence of problems, deviating attention to the secondary, when it does not frighten unwary, who distance themselves from ideals and even interest, for Fear of incurring the wins of the powerful, including those holders of force, who use it whenever their goals are in doubt. It was anti -communism, therefore - packed with the environment corresponding to the “cold war” - widely used to intimidate all who leaned against the acceptance of the state monopoly thesis for oil exploration in our country. As is well known, anti -communism has given dividends over time to companies that - from those who speculate with national riches and the limited blackmail and negotiations -, viewed in the light of the debate, would be unfeasible. This stunning elixir aimed, in particular, the military, since the rigor thesis had won a large opinion range among them and the military club had become the center of gravity of the oil campaign. Thus, as the struggle for presidential succession was developed, the struggle for the nationalist thesis regarding oil was developed, and it rested-besides, of course, to rest in popular opinion-in the opinion of the military. At the same time, the reactionary forces in the economic area as in the political area simultaneously attacked the military in the Cionistas and the board of the Military Club that commanded the oil panha, and the candidacy Vargas and the forces that supports it, VAM, open or discreetly. The parallel struggles continued to develop after the presidential election, in which the government is laughed fragly defeated, consecrated Vargas as a favorite: now, for the destruction of the Military Club board, victim, on the eve of the inauguration of the New Government, of the unprecedented act of intervention; And by the impediment to the possession of Vargas, under the well -known allegations, which the Chicana always repeats, to have received support with the Matist, of not having absolute majority, etc. etc. - With the usual absence of originality with which the reaction presents itself. As with the thesis of the state oil monopoly, the Vargas candidacy for the succession of Dutra represented the heterogeneous composition of forces driven to it by the conditions of the historical circumstance. For the candidate, this represented serious problem, as it made it difficult to place, in his speeches, the points he estimated to defend and the objectives he proposed when in power. From natural caution, Vargas dwell, since the victory of the 1930 movement - to which the stormy political period was followed - to guide the prudence and even for ambiguity their pronouncements and this ambiguity was not just about biographical traits, configuring one The profile that the anecdote collected, but, especially, of a consummate political skill and deliberate purpose, objectively based on the real conditions of the country. Now, such a contradictory environment, sailing in sea full of chosen, demanded from the candidate, who had been deposed by a military coup less than a gloss before and that faced a Go verno presided by military, even more skill than in any
wants another period of its extensive and troubled career. But, on the other hand, the moment was demanding from the candidate in transferable options and incisive decisions. Between the two extremes, Vargas would have to maneuver. Now, if, in relation to other problems, their pronouncements were uncertain, ambiguous, leaving them open, in relation to oil they were clear. Never - and just resort to the collection of his speeches - would be so defined, he would never be so sharp. It is intended, by the way, to remember the testimony of one of its closest assistants. Luiz Vergara tells, in his book I was secretary of Getúlio Vargas, how the candidate behaved, of the beginning, in relation to oil: the campaign should start by the northern states. ) It had organized almost all the material, when the president told me that he intended to make the first rally in Bahia and the subject to be dealt with would have to be oil. He recommended me to examine the sketch of the speech that someone had offered him. It didn't read him, but maybe it was usable. I soon checked that the guidance of the work was in contradiction blatant with the direction that the president had been giving longtime to oil policy. I asked Alzira to call him and showed him that the sketch did not seem usable. He was representing a real "turn" in the direction he presented and obeyed a clearly "surrender" line. , it was not worth wasting time with such questions. It was necessary to elaborate the speech. Oil and its exploitation constitutes state monopoly. It was a powerful source of energy that should be entirely nationalized. The speeches on the subject, particularly that pronounced in Bahia, were indeed incisive, undoubtedly, without amazing. , by the way - and, here, we are anticipating - with statements and even with later decisions and guidelines, when in power, in the forwarding of the draft of what would be the law 2004. Luiz Vergara resembles another moment: Vargas, already with its presidential period near the end,
tormented by the contradictions that had settled his government in and had reduced him to Political loneliness is disenchanted and bitter. There was something that prevented him from appealing to the terrible refés of renunciation, and he would say, “There is still one thing I need to last and I think forced to do it. It is Petrobras. So many years of struggle to defend our oil against the greed of the Trustes require the execution of this venture, which is based on the progress and economic independence of Brazil. ” The campaign for the state petroleum monopoly, that the military club would be a fundamental piece, had designed extraordinaryly some military figures. With the ungrateful risk of omitting many, it should be remembered personalities such as Estevão Leitão de Carvalho and Artur Carnaúba, heads of huge prestige inside and outside the Armed Forces, General Felicíssimo Cardoso, with an unusual place in the campaign, founder of the Center Oil defense, General Júlio Caetano Horta Barbosa, whose action in the presidency of the National Petroleum Council had allowed the first discoveries and, then, would be consecrated as the pius of the thesis of exploration by state monopoly, a person who Vargas well knew, and,, Finally, General Newton Estillac Leal, head of the military nationalist current. Vargas's pronouncements in the election campaign, such as the fact that he became, as his victory was outlined, and after it materialized, the target of the well -known and intensely mobilized reactionary forces campaign, contri for confessing the forces that supported Vargas and the forces that supported the nationalist solution for the exploration of the trolley. Thus, Vargas told, both in the struggle for his candidacy - as an individual, naturally - and in his struggle for possession, with the support of the military linked to the oil campaign. Having been deposed by the military in 1945, and therefore without a military component in his strength, he was now supported by a military current that had been demonstrating his vigor and taking up space in the country's political arena. It was, in parallel, with Mano Bras scammers against his possession, a fundamental problem: that of the regime itself. How was this problem outlined? It is interesting to remember, because such a problem would be repeated, then and can repeat itself yet.
The origin of presidential candidacies in Brazil denounces the precariousness of the democratic regime, among us, often and particularly after the beginning of the "cold war", to blows that interrupt its validity. "It is fundamental in the political definition of democratic forces. He must, whenever a candidate, while recruited from the old processes and, therefore, stripped of democratic content, has been threatened in his rights, that is, denied his right to take possession-which always means to deny the people the right to choose-their candidacy began to coat new content, even independent of their will. Thus, a common candidate, devoid of characteristics Personal attractive person, marked by a common career and re -positions, can assume entirely diverse and positive, which threaten even more retrograde forces, objectively aimed at retrograde solution, that is, the interruption of regime. When Vargas is threatened with the rubble to the right of possession, because it assumes new political content and conflicts, in support, those forces whose commitment, above his person and even his past, are with democracy, whatever his own im perfections. Because, without the slightest doubt, it is worth a precarious and imperfect democracy than any dictatorship. And of that the Brazilian people have very broad experience. So, in 1950, the military nationalist current and the political current that supported Var Gas were tacitly composed. This did not occur by collusion, of course, or established agreement. It occurred by virtue of the conditions of the moment and without any prior or later understanding. Thus, in fact, the fronts are formed, not, as some naive think, by virtue of thorough and commanding understanding of the defined in advance. As a result of the union between heterogeneous forces, Vargas having, by virtue of this union, by his simple action of presence, overcome the struggle for possession, was defined by the choice of General Newton Stillac Leal to his war minister. But, as the political forces that had supported their candidacy were even more heterogeneous, undermined by insatiable con traditions, it was a ministry in which most figures were defined by a past committed to reaction and by
Ostensive pending with foreign trustes and monopolies, in cliff those who were most violently opposed to the solution of the state monopoly for oil exploitation. The government of VAR Gas, since, it arose already viscerally torn, containing the germs of their own deterioration. While the nationalist military component, deeply committed to a terrible struggle, already with numerous victims-the repression, at the time of Dutra, had been very violent-was monolithic, even because of the demands of its preservation, the political point of the government that Vargas She was beginning to preside over she was fragmented and weak, undermined by cancer that takes her to the disaster. More than that: that would divide the forces articulate, so far, around the Vargas candidacy. The intervention operated at the Military Club, in the twilight of the Dutra period, for the title of the board presided by General Newton Estillac Leal, was, before Vargas, barely starting his period, as required by deciding: maintaining it , and break the alliance with the military nationalist current, or annul it and now establish a much more solid alliance. It was therefore an extremely difficult conjuncture. Vargas never, including biographical formation, personality trait, had been inclined to options of this nature. Nor would the political conditions at that time allow it. It was his minister of war, the president of the military club, whose direct laugh, which he had graduated to perform his high functions in the government, came from being violently struck by repression and intervention - a minister who would define his personality, to national knowledge, as leader of a nationalist current; His minister of Foreign Affairs was a high employee of one of the world's largest petrollers, very committed to prevent the solution of the Brazilian oil issue by the state monopoly: his finance minister was known and notorious instrument of foreign financial organizations, whose service is well Until then. Carrying such a deep contradiction, the Vargas government was very weak and, in the process of the struggle, how the positions were stretched, the military nationalist component Radicali Zara his positions, seeing extremely distrusting not only the composition of the government as its initiatives in relation to the Prio and Backbreaking Patrol Problem.
The "cold war" would then have one of its most important and characteristic episodes, which would ally and hugely difficult for the Vargas government: the Korea War, where the struggle between Americans and Chinese would put the world very much near new conflict of unpredictable proportions. If the “Cold War”, so far, had contributed politically to trigger anti communism and, economically, to consume our views, accumulated during the 2. World War, stocking Bugi Gangas and buying Iron Velho, the Korea War would press not only to make anti -communism recruit - a tablet that covers arbitrariness and business - but to reach Brazil a military participation in that distant conflict that, to be effective, would add a lot, and negatively, and negatively, Brazil's subordination to US foreign policy. For all this, it is not difficult to see the great difficulties with which President Vargas faced his government. These immense difficulties have been forgotten by the studies of this period. They have been insisting that, at that time, by their age, Vargas no longer had energies before recognized in it, or of ability, before abundant. It is an error of learning. Vargas was much more experienced now - in 1950. And he retained his lucidity and the energies necessary for the performance of his functions. What had changed was not him - but in the positive sense - but the historical picture. The 1950 board was no longer, as the first phase of Vargas's career in power - at 1930 and 1945 - compatible with simple skill maneuvers, in which he had become a consummate master. The conditions were entirely different. It was these conditions that prevented him from transposing obstacles with ancient argucia. In the end, politics is the art of the possible. There is no politician who will be able to overcome the conditions that reality places. Today, so many years past, it is possible to recognize that Vargas was a party to a policy in the cionist. In his government, however, and that started in 1950, which we are dealing with, Brazilian nationalism suffered great defeats. To which they contributed, even, decisions he was wiped. The paradox is, in this sense, only apparent; he would be
long turn it off. It must be stressed, in this regard, that political reality is not always clear, clear, with symmetrically provided forces. Quite the contrary, she presents herself almost without trouble, confused, hiding the essence of problems, the facts denying appearances. In complex and confusing paintings, such as the one who is learned in 1950 - where even intensely developed in the intimidation of opinion, Configuring as criminal defense position of national interests - one of the typical maneuvers of the reaction is to compel the holders of power, when their opponents, to see an unpopular guidance. This maneuver was developed, in relation to VAR Gas, from the moment of its inauguration. It was about to force him to misrepresent, that is, to perform, in the government, the opposite of what he had committed to perform, as a candidate. It was about pressuring the one who was consecrated by the popular choice to have an unpopular policy, that is. to demoralize themselves by their own acts and decisions. To the extent that, by successive acts and decisions, the maneuver was being developed, Vargas was losing its political base. Now no one can rule - at least with personality - without political basis. Political basis is the set of partisan, institutional, organized forces - that allow the ruler to develop the orientation he defends appropriate. The demoralization maneuver is to separate the ruler from his political base. In the case of Vargas, separate it from its popular bases. For this, it was necessary, first of all, to force him to deny the positions taken as a candidate. Including that of state monopoly advocate for oil problems. The assumptions, to achieve the conditions that allowed to lead to that maneuver, consisted of separating him from the military nationalist current he had competed to ensure his possession and provided him with the Minister of War. The maneuver - those who travel the press of the time can verify - was developed with that rigor, that method, that cadence to which imperialism obeyed, at the time of heyday of its domination of the "yard". It would initially support the concentration of fire on the military club. It was summed up to repeat every day, often a chorus: they are communists. In essence, it consisted of running away
peremptorily the discussion of the problems in question, replacing the discussion by the chorus. It consisted of not entering the merit, never. Regarding the Military Club, entering the merit would consist of discussing whether the solution of the oil problem should be by the state monopoly or by delivery to foreign trustes, or, in another case, if we should, Brazilians, send troops to Korea or if We should not. As it would be unpopular to support the thesis of oil delivery or troop sending, the campaign would be summed up in the chorus. Every day, several times a day, in the press, on the radio - there was no television - the chorus appeared: they are communists. A witty could remember that communications, to admit the preliminary, may be right in this or in that specific question. However, it was not entered into this dangerous ground. The campaign consisted only of this: they are communist. Vargas would not fit, without a doubt, to protect common; If the military nationalist current would cover, it would be accused of this; If you didn't cover it up, you would lose your support. The campaign against the Military Club behaved, according to rigorous check, more than 200 articles, uphills, notes, comments, all by praying the chorus. It is currently ridiculous today to consider the problem to remember that Vargas was not only communist but communism hated. In that phase, however, naive creatures, possessed of anti -communist fury and skillfully manipulated by the press and radio campaign, put such an enormity in question and even believed that Vargas were communist. And this one, who knew closely the reach of such campaigns - because they had used to institute the Estado Novo, for example - could well evaluate their risks. So he made the decision that fit him, retreating and abandoning the military Nacio Naca to the sake of those who asked their heads. General Newton Estillac Leal was not a communist either - who forgives himself to take into consideration things of this nature - but was in a difficult and more than doubtful situation. Estillac had a political head. The struggles of tenentism, of which it was important - but that it took few dividends, unlike others, which of these dividends made political fortune - had seen sufficient experience to know where they wished to take. Between Vargas, with his retreat, and the mates of the Military Club, with his isolated and in tip
that one. From that moment on, he was beginning to lose value to Vargas himself, because no Latin American president can have a weak war minister. Estillac played his card erroneously and practically ended his political career. The military, he continued, without great bids. His retreat separated him from his foundations, which were precisely the military nationalists. Shortly thereafter, he left the Ministry of War. Left him because it was no longer possible to retreat, since it could not be the instrument of persecution of those companions. The new Vargas War Minister executed or covered the numerous arrests then made, the processes and the career settlement of many military personnel, whose crime had been defending demo institutions and a nationalist solution to the oil problem. The destruction of the military nationalist current “coincided” with the progress of the Petrobras project in Congress. In May 1952 - Vargas already with more than year in power, in a process of title of political weakening - the nationalist military current was defeated, in the elections for the direction of the Military Club. The great podium was closed where the state monopoly of oil was a leased as a national requirement. The military siege was completed to Vargas. It was necessary, however, to demoralize it with regard to respect for public money. Since he is more than known, Vargas was not just a man of his moldy, even modest life; His personal pro Bid was above any insinuation. Well, as it was not possible to accuse him of directly taking advantage of his function, it was necessary to forge a scandalous question, in which his name was involved, his conduct. It was the accusation of favoritism. This was the basis of the campaign set up with the same technique, by the concentration of fire and the rear of the chorus - around money borrowed by Banco do Brasil to a certain journalist, so that it would assemble a newspaper to support Vargas politics. Those who lived the period are certainly remembering the last minute case. Companies newspaper and radio-spoiler who lived as blackmailed, who did not collect what they discounted their workers, who evaded impacts, who borrowed money to the public coffers in more than fraudulent conditions, articulated to accuse this all the new company, whose crime had consisted only of supporting
The government that the reactionary forces had decided to overthrow. The military siege was thus completed by the siege of the press and radio, that is, of propaganda. The final maneuver was beginning to be assembled. Solitude and Suicide • Consultation of the documents of the time allows you to verify how Vargas' positions in relation to oil were different, ages, from those who had sprung up as a candidate, there is no way that the dangerous ambiguity of not being arose Knowing well what your position was about the progress of the ongoing project in Congress. On the one hand, parliamentarians with decisive role, such as Artur Bernardes and Euzébio Rocha - avant -garde figures in defending the solution of state monopoly - claiming that the president thought in a certain way; On the other hand, his advisors, such as Romulo de Almeida, nominated author of the Catete's preliminary draft, and his parliamentary leadership, in fact, regrettable, as it would be clear when the crisis of August 1954 said the opposite. Machiavellism? Impossible and inhabitant. In politics, in modern times, there is no possible makeup. Nor was Vargas was a Machiavellian but to those who imputed defects to him to tissue his image. But, too, there were no longer able to maneuver, for those deals, those curves to which he had become fond of, in the first phase of his power. So that the referral of the pretense of the project to Congress, having “coincided” with the campaign against the Military Club, the nationalist current, which discussed the problem there, would violate such a draft violently. He thus put himself against Vargas, already extremely debilitated. It added forces, consequently, with those who plotted their overthrow. He formed with them what is known, in political language, as a front, though tacit. It was unambiguous political error, without a doubt. But the sum of errors of this nature and this sense was the network that would lead Vargas to the final moment. By the way of this division between the nationalist military and Vargas, I had the opportunity to write, in my memories of a soldier:
Thus, the nationalist military stream sought its own isolation, reserved the purity of ideals and purposes, it was strong enough to combat the supporters of Vargas and the opponents of Vargas. In the proportion that the political process advanced, that current, to prove its incontamination to the “Varguista Population, accentuated its radicalization; I did not want to be confused with the "opportunists", the "demagogues"; He tried to prove his leftism. And, of course, all this helped the reaction. This is not the place to remember the process of the Child Project of A Petrobras in Congress. If it is exactly to say that the 2004 Law was a creation of the Brazilian people, it is still exactly to say that it arose by virtue of a patriotic action of Congress, which sank the popular opinion, which had consecrated it. Parliamentary debates, however, which were long and warm, not They added nothing positive to the prestige of Vargas, already quite with a barid in 1953. The draft was one thing; The law was something else. Vargas sanctioned the law and chose, to start the activities of the company it provided for, a man who had always militated against the state monopoly. Thus, it was more from the nationalist area and the popular area. But, by uniqueness - only apparent uniqueness, in fact - he assumed positions for which he had no organized support. It seems that, even as it was being isolated and walked to the disaster - predictably at the time for new deposition - sought to fix its image. But fix it without any appeal to popularity, fix it above political contingencies and even human contingencies. From 1953, already politically weakened, he, who had reached power at the height of his popular prestige, seems to patiently weave his shroud. In such a caution, so safe from his steps and initiatives, skilled in the retreat, in the maneuver, sensitive to possibilities, far from any and all adventurerism, Vargas's pronouncements in 1953 and 1954 surprise by audacity. More than audacity, he raises. As you can't, you risk it. Those who read so many past years today, the speeches they have pronounced - not in private or limited but public meetings on foreign investments in energy, regarding the remittance of foreign capital profits, or foreign sayings ( in truth,
Captured in national savings, foreigners only for the purposes of remittance of profits), is amazed. They look like leftist political propagandist, opposition parliamentary, red and extreme nationalist. They are, intended, of the President of the Republic, and of a president of force of force, under serious threat, under the fire of his opponents, his enemies. Such pronouncements, of the most vehement that has ever made, in Brazil, against imperialism, point out, to stop by, the deliberate purpose of playing a decisive card. These are not about analyzes, discussions, positioning of positions. These are real and libel libel, front accusations. In these pronouncements, it is found that someone who knows the problem in depth, because it presides over public affairs, denounces extraordinary fraud, huge evasions, organized theft and systemat, continued scam and tax devices. This is not said in eventual tunks, but arises from meditated discourses. It represents a position taking like no Brazilian public, at the level he was raised, he had ever done. Such pronouncements, however, shut up, were almost without acoustics. Due to the seriousness of its content, by the violation, by the enormity of the denounced crimes, they were to shake the nation, to set it fire, to awaken the most hidden national energies, to mobilize the people. And yet none of this happened. Vargas said truths, the most terrible truths. But no one else was hearing him; No one else paid attention to him; No one else was disposed to secondly. He was alone. The 2004 Law is from October 1953. Vargas would not have another year of power and life. In August 1954, when, regarding a common crime, the delegate's purview, the coup that was intended to punish him for his pronouncements and his actions, three weeks were enough to liquidate him. Three weeks in which the assembly and development of the same type of maneuver was assisted, articulated based on the means of mass communion, under the control of antinational forces. He then sought first to demoralize him personally-politically, they had already achieved-and then depose it. What would come from? Someday you will say. The purpose of not limiting the maneuver to demoralization and deposition-this was the goal in 1945, now no longer satisfied-but that of deepening it, it shows everything
■ Known the episode, despite the turbidity in which it was involved, diverted general attention to other aspects, that the crime involved, no doubt, but it was not the politicians and essential. Vargas lived those three weeks, and particularly the last but practically only hours. Loneliness marks the sense of the tragedy that was consummated. Solitude is its extraordinary dimension. The episode would represent, when analyzed, disappeared, one of the highest politics lessons our people have ever watched. With the death of Vargas, a time of Brazilian history was closed. For such a closure, his ultimate gesture contributed the note of tragic grandeur, marked by the flaming complaint of the letter he left and the way he defeated, alone and Solitá Rio, those who had defeated him. Like the part - Clemenceau wrote this, regarding Foch's accusations - which, in the escape gallop, also throws the last dart to the enemy, Vargas, passing To eternity, he marked with indelible stint those who sought him infamous. Too bad for the victim of such size, the opponents were so insignified.
Works by Nelson Werneck Sodré History of Brazilian Literature, 1938 (8. Edition, 1988) What should be read to know Brazil, 1945 (8. Edition, 1988) Introduction to the Brazilian Revolution, 1958 (4th edition, 1978) The ideology of colonialism, 1961 (3. Edition, 1984) Historical Formation of Brazil, 1962 (12. Edition, 1987) Introduction to Geography, 1976 (6. Edition, 1987) History of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, 1964 ( 4th edition, 1984) Social and Political Evolution of Brazil, 1964 (2nd edition, 1989) Naturalism in Brazil, 1965 writer's craft, 1965 The Reasons for Independence, 1965 (4th edition, 1986) Military History of Brazil, 1965 (3. Edition, 1979) History of the Press in Brazil, 1965 (3 the edition, 1983) Foundations of Historical Materialism, 1968 Foundations of Dialectical Materialism, 1968 Foundations of Marxist Aesthetics, 1968 Foundations of Marxist Economy, 1968 Memories of a writer , 1970 (2. Edition, 1988) Memories of a Soldier, 1968 (2nd edition, 1986) Synthesis of Brazilian Culture History, 1970 (14. Edition, 1988) Brazil, Radiography of a Model, 1974 (7th edition, 1987) The Prestes Column, 1978 (5th edition, 1986) Life and Death of Dictatorship, 1984 Contribution to the History of PCB, 1985 Historical History and Materialism in Brazil, 1986 (2. Edition. 1987) Tenentism, 1985 History of New History, 1986 (2. Edition. 1987) The Communist Intent of 1935, 1987 The Secret Military Government, 1987 Literature and History in Contemporary Brazil, 1987 The March for Nazism, 1989 The Republic , 1989 Capitalism and Bourgeois Revolution in Brazil, 1990
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At the same time, it also develops, in a long rehearsal, an instigated analysis of analysis around the “Var Gas epoch”, where, besides showing the remembrance of this figure in our history, - “the most complete bourgeois picture” generated by the Brazilian bourgeoisie - Nelson Wemeck Sodré develops in teresting considerations regarding what he calls the “inconclusive bourgeois revolution”. The works gathered here are, in fact, contributions of the highest value to the study of the formation of Brazilian society, offering valuable in dips so that today we can situate ourselves around the complexes and the problems that mark the development of the development of capitalism in bra sil.
Here two studies are gathered that have as its central point the analysis of the historical development of the form of capitalism in our country and, especially, the (still inconclusive) bourgeois revolution that consists of this process. There is a unique process, a specific way, which marks the Brazilian social mansion: with the self-nomine of the country, there is the emergence of an incipient bourgeoisie, with its complement, wage labor and, concomitantly, the configuration of the domestic market . The great crisis of capitalism in 1929, externally, the outbreak of the “recess of 1930”, internally, are events that definitively characterize the solidification of the process of the formation of capitalism in Brazil. In addition, the Vargas epoch represents the moment, perhaps, when this bourgeois revolution in conclusion reaches its highest point, showing the figure of Vargas as the most talented and important bourgeois picture of our history. Book Workshop7 T BN 85-85170-24-7
